アジア研究
Online ISSN : 2188-2444
Print ISSN : 0044-9237
ISSN-L : 0044-9237
最新号
選択された号の論文の16件中1~16を表示しています
論説
  • 深串 徹
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 1-16
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2024/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper examines how Chinese Taiwanologists evaluate China’s “discursive power” (the influence generated by concepts, logic, values, and ideology in certain narratives) over Taiwan and what challenges they perceive to exist.

    When Chinese leaders speak about the inevitability of Taiwan’s unification with China, there usually are two main reasons they cite: People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the “Chinese nation”; and the relations between mainland China and Taiwan have been underpinned by historical and cultural ties. However, Chinese Taiwanonogists are generally pessimistic about the attractiveness of these narratives on Taiwanese people, given that “cultural independence” sentiment that denies the significance of cultural and historical ties between mainland China and Taiwan is overwhelming in the island. Specifically, history research and history education in Taiwan are regarded as two spheres where the influence of “cultural independence” sentiment are most serious.

    Some Chinese scholars believe that “cultural independence” sentiment in the island will naturally disappear because it is contrary to the interests of the Taiwanese people themselves, but this kind of optimistic view has become a minority, especially since the establishment of the Tsai Ing-wen administration in 2016. Therefore, many Chinese researchers advocate that China must enhance its discursive power over Taiwan and manipulate public opinion in the island to increase support rate for unification with mainland China.

    To achieve that goal, measures such as establishing a historical narrative that stresses the historical and ethnocultural ties between mainland China and Taiwan and promoting a Chinese identity among the Taiwanese people are recommended. On the other hand, some believe that at present, there is little China can do to exert discursive power over Taiwan and expect that “remodeling” and “re-education” of Taiwanese people after unification would be necessary.

    It is not clear which of these measures will be adopted, but as long as strengthening China’s “discursive power” is regarded as an important agenda by the CCP leadership, and as long as the Chinese leadership stick to a policy of “heart-to-heart” unification with Taiwan, how to enhance China’s “discursive power” over Taiwanese society will continue to be the important theme of research for Chinese Taiwanologists.

  • 山本 明日香
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 17-42
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2024/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー

    Despite India’s notable economic growth in recent years, significant social stratification persists. Traditionally, Hindu Scheduled Castes (SCs), Hindu Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Muslims have been identified as socially vulnerable and disadvantaged groups. While SCs/STs have gained from reservation policies in education, employment, and politics, Muslims, who share reservation quotas with other vulnerable groups, have seen comparatively less benefit. Prior research has focused primarily on disparities between religions (e.g., Hindu and Muslim) or castes (e.g., Hindu general caste and lower caste). However, few studies examine inequality among socially vulnerable groups. This study explores two key research questions: (1) How has the wage differential structure between SCs/STs and Muslims changed? (2) What factors contribute to the wage differences between these two groups? I apply a Mincer earnings regression, Heckman two-stage estimation, and Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition to repeated cross-sectional data from the National Sample Survey (NSS) and the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS). These data cover 35 years and pertain to male regular workers (salaried employees) and casual laborers aged 15–65 in urban areas. The data are derived from eight NSS rounds (1983, 1987–88, 1993–94, 1999–2000, 2004–05, 2007–08, 2009–10, and 2011–12) and two PLFS periods (2017–18 and 2018–19). Descriptive statistics indicate a rise in the percentage of SCs/STs among male regular workers from 1983 to 2018–19. Although both Muslims and SCs/STs experienced a significant decrease in primary school non-completion rates, the rate of improvement in educational attainment for Muslims has been comparatively slow. The Mincer earnings regression results reveal consistently lower wages for SCs and Muslims compared with Hindus (general castes/Other Backward Classes). The Heckman two-stage estimation results show that SCs and Muslims are less likely to be regular workers than Hindus. Even after excluding bias, Muslims earn significantly less than Hindus. The Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition, using the inverse Mills ratio from the two-step estimation, shows that wage differentials are due to differences in education level and years of experience in the labor market between SCs/STs and Muslims. Wage differentials between Hindus and Muslims persisted throughout the study period, with about 40% to 60% of total wage differentials explained by differences in education levels. Initially, there was no difference between SCs/STs and Muslims. However, since the mid-2000s, the contribution has varied significantly owing to the improved average education level of SCs/STs, suggesting that institutional inequality could exacerbate disparities among the socially vulnerable.

研究ノート
  • 杉田 隆
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 43-65
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2024/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー

    Since 1980, Global Value Chain (GVC) in the automotive industry has brought about transformative changes in emerging countries. Vietnam, as a burgeoning player in the automotive sector, has witnessed this transformation from its inception. Despite a surge in domestic auto sales in the late 2010s, the production of auto-parts for domestic automotive assembly continues to rely heavily on imports from the existing GVC, with little emphasis on enhancing domestic production.

    On the other hand, Vietnam has seized opportunities to become a global auto-parts export hub. However, these production activities are not closely integrated with domestic auto assembly, as various auto-parts are primarily produced for export via Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Prior research has characterized this FDI-driven and labor-intensive auto-parts production in emerging countries as tentative and may be withdrawn quickly once relative labor cost increases.

    This research note focuses on the analysis of structural change within Vietnam’s auto-parts trade and aims to determine whether the FDI-based auto-parts industry in Vietnam remains exclusively focused on labor-intensive parts production or is progressing towards diversification and sophistication of the product, playing an enhanced role in GVC.

    For this purpose, we provide a brief overview of Vietnam’s automotive and parts industry and conducted a detailed and multi-dimensional analysis of auto-parts trade. Key findings in the research includes: 1) The auto-parts sector in Vietnam is dominated by foreign companies, but their origin has diversified beyond Japanese companies to various other countries. 2) Vietnam has emerged as the second largest auto-parts exporter in ASEAN after Thailand. This expansion encompasses not only the scale but also the diversity of export destinations and items, with significant regional variations. Notably, imports of auto-parts have been rising from South Korea and China, in preference to other ASEAN countries. 3) An analysis of the relationship between the complexity index of import/export items and trade value confirms that while export growth is highly associated with NAFTA, greater complexity and diversification in exports of auto-parts are evident in trade with Korea and China.

    Vietnam’s export-oriented auto-parts manufacturing heavily relies on FDI and is strongly influenced by the strategies of OEM leading GVCs in the auto production sector. The expansion of Vietnam’s auto-parts exports stems not only from the export of labor-intensive auto-parts to specific countries, but also from strengthened ties with multiple OEM manufacturers’ GVCs, fostering diversification and complexity in production.

特集:日本におけるアジア研究の遺産と展望
  • 園田 茂人
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 66-68
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高橋 伸夫
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 69-81
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    Whenever they have examined China in any period, Japanese scholars of China have used similar expressions to talk about China’s state-society relations. Starting from the dichotomy of state-society, they have believed that the relationship between the two has a certain “ambiguity” in China. Here, I will call the above observation of the state-society relationship in China the “ambiguous sphere” hypothesis. In this essay, I will first a) extract from the works of Japanese scholars who observed China in the first half of the 20th century the common ideas about state-society relations in China that are considered to be the pioneers of the “ambiguous sphere” hypothesis. Next, b) I will argue that such a way of thinking has been the basis of Japanese observations of the Chinese state and society over a long period of time, from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the present day. But in practice, c) I will use a rudimentary interpretive grid to show that the meaning and location of “ambiguity” differs slightly from one observer to another. Then, d) I will offer some suggestions for a more productive use of the “ambiguous sphere” hypothesis in understanding contemporary China. Finally, e) I will point out that even if the above conceptualization is useful for understanding the seemingly contradictory realities of Chinese society, it may be a trap into which Japanese scholars of China may fall.

  • 川上 桃子
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 82-91
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article reviews the evolution of studies on the Asian economy over the past several decades in Japan with a special focus on “industry studies”: the scholarship that investigates the interactions among firms and other economic actors clustered around a specific product or service. When JAAS (Japan Association for Asian Studies) was established in 1953, agriculture was the main research interest of Asian studies scholars, reflecting their serious concern about the region’s prevailing poverty and economic stagnation. As the industrialization started to spread across East Asia after the mid-1980s, the research focus shifted to elucidate the dynamics of manufacturing sectors, reflecting Japanese business sectors’ growing interest in the region as the destination of investments and markets. In the 1990s, Japanese scholars began to publish case studies on specific industries. In these studies, the scholars drew on the rich intellectual assets accumulated by industry studies and business history studies based on Japan’s cases. Among these assets, analytical concepts and empirical findings derived from case studies of the Japanese automotive industry, especially those on supplier systems and industrial organizations, became valuable academic assets that helped Asian studies scholars investigate inter-firm relationships in various industries. Since the fragmentation of production processes unfolded in the 2000s, industry studies have faced new challenges, calling for novel perspectives to grasp the new phase of industry dynamics.

  • 後藤 健太
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 92-105
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper aims to identify the characteristics of how the Asian economy has been approached as a subject of academic inquiry in Japan, by synthesizing the analyses of key literature that have evolved along post-war development trajectories since the founding of the Japan Association for Asian Studies (JAAS) in 1953.

    The paper also attempts to outline new issues that have become increasingly relevant to better understand the new dynamics of the Asian economy. Of particular concern is the rising influence of non-economic factors, particularly politics, in the process of how the Asian economy is currently being shaped. For example, economic integration, manifesting itself in forms such as the global value chains (GVCs) spreading across the region, is among the most important attributes of contemporary Asian economy. While this has been the primary engine elevating countries out of poverty and bringing prosperity to the region, how these value chains will be shaped in the future is now also dependent on non-economic “values” such as human rights. These trends clearly suggest that the unfolding Asian economic dynamism can no longer be understood from a conventional economic approach alone.

    Given these, what have been the uniqueness in Japan’s academic approaches in its quest for understanding the Asian economy? And what are the new perspectives that would be needed to fully comprehend the ever-changing Asian economic dynamism in the 2020s and beyond?

    The paper will conclude by highlighting the importance of a multi-disciplinary approach in this particular context, which should be a collaborative process in itself, requiring proactive, open-minded, and constructive engagement from all different disciplines.

  • 絵所 秀紀
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 106-122
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    We found the dominant approach to Indian economic studies has changed from historical approach to empirical studies using econometric analysis. The flying-geese development model that is supposed to fit well to East and South-East Asian countries, has not been applied to India. Degital-economy-led growth of India since 1990s is increasingly different from this development model.

  • 武藤 秀太郎
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 123-128
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丸川 知雄
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 129-135
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 園田 茂人
    2024 年 70 巻 1 号 p. 136-138
    発行日: 2024/01/31
    公開日: 2024/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
特集:アジア政経学会設立70 周年記念 歴代理事長インタビュー
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