GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)
Online ISSN : 2185-6710
Print ISSN : 0024-3914
UNDERSPECIFICATION, SONORITY HIERARCHY AND FEATURE GEOMETRY IN KOREAN
Hideyuki HIRANO
Author information
JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 88-120

Details
Abstract

In Korean there exists a tendency for progressive processes to produce less sonorous segments and for regressive processes to create more so- norous segments. Vowel harmony in modern Korean should be regarded as sonority harmony in which the three most sonorous vowels ⁄a, o, ε⁄ do not occur together with lesser sonorous vowels in words of Korean origin. Reciprocal assimilation is explained simply by well-motivated delinking of a Lateral node and nasalization : In other words, it is un-necessary in the description of reciprocal assimilation to introduce a new rule of copying and a Spontaneous Voice node. Vowel deletion should be accounted for by the operations of both fusion and delinking rather than by a simple unconditioned delinking. The coocurrence restriction between coronal segments is caused by the prohibition of spreading which does not apply to all other sequences of a consonant and a glide.

Content from these authors
© The Linguistic Society of Japan
Previous article Next article
feedback
Top