ギャリィ・マークス, マルコ・スティーンベルゲン編『欧州統合と政治的対立』

抄録

In this book, scholars of comparative politics analyze political contestation concerning the European Union, using diverse sources of data, and examining a range of actors such as citizens, political parties, members of the European Parliament, interest groups, and social movements. The main purpose of this book is to investigate and to find some patterns of conflict in the EU.
In the introduction, the editors present four hypothetical models. The following chapters, however, substantially focus on the examination of the validity of two competing models, the Hix-Lord model and the Hooghe-Marks model. These two models differently conceptualize some dimensions of contestation.
One of them is the “EU-national dimension” ranging from more integration to less integration. The second one is the “socio-economic left/right dimension”, which is rooted in the basic conflicts that have shaped political life in Western Europe for many years. The third one is the “GAL-TAN dimension” ranging from the green/alternative/libertarian to the traditional/authoritarian/nationalism, which is tended to be submerged into the “socio-economic left/right dimension”. (GAL is fused into left and TAN into right.). So, the second and third dimensions form “single left/right dimension”. The core question throughout this book is whether the “EU-national dimension” and the “single left/right dimension” correlate or not.
The Hix-Lord model assumes that the “EU-national dimension” and the “single left/right dimension” are schematically orthogonal, because national sovereignty issues are difficult to assimilate into the existing left/right pattern of contestation. Correspondingly, four alternative positions are feasible for different actors—left/more integration, left/less integration, right/more integration, and right/less integration.
On the other hand, the Hooghe-Marks model assumes meaningful correlation between the two dimensions, that are not fused together. This model hypothesizes that the left who aims to regulate market at the European level, is likely to become more pro-European integration. In contrast, the right who wish to combine European-wide markets with minimal European regulation, are considered to be more skeptical of further European integration. Therefore, contestation in the EU is vaguely structured in two camps—Regulated capitalism (left+more integration) and Neoliberalism (right+less integration).
Through the analysis of the following chapters, at the aggregate level, when treating European integration in general irrespective of policy field and nationality, the Hix-Lord model seems to be valid. For example, Chapter 5 (EP election manifest research) confirms that four alternative positions are historically observed for EP political groups.
On the other hand, the validity of the Hooghe-Marks model is conditional. Especially, Chapter 6 reveals that only with individual market correcting policy fields such as environment, employment, and regional policy, center-left political parties (social democracy) in the member states support EU and right parties are skeptical. However, including other policy fields, and excluding a few far right parties, national political parties seem structure the dimension ranging from left/less integration to right/more integration. This means that the direction of correlation between the two dimensions assumed by this model is entirely opposite, therefore, the validity of this model is decisively denied. Moreover, Chapters 3 and 4 also present compelling evidence of the opposite correlation, showing that in redistributive welfare states it is the left that oppose further EU integration, whereas in liberal-residual welfare states it is the right.
In the concluding chapter, Gary Marks, one of the inventors of this model and editors of this book, tries to find the condition