集団から個へ : ジャマイカ、エチオピア・アフリカ黒人国際会議派ラスタファリアンの経済活動の変化について

抄録

Recent anthropological studies reveal that the societal movements of seeking "Africanity" in the Atlantic perimeter have been changing under the current postcolonial and globalization situation. The object of my research, the Rastafari in Jamaica, is one such movement, and my research mainly focuses on how its devotees, known as Rastafarians, live as "Africans." The data used in the paper were collected through fieldwork undertaken on two separate occasions, in 2005 and 2006. This paper aims to describe the actual condition of the economic activities of the Ethiopia Africa Black International Congress (E.A.B.I.C.) Rastafarians. Rastafari arose in Jamaica in the 1930s as a part of a worldwide religious movement. Rastafarians worship Haile Selassie, who was crowned emperor of Ethiopia in 1930. They regard themselves as "Africans" as part of their religious practice, and have created an "African" lifestyle. Most of the previous studies of the Rastafari in Jamaica have explained that poverty and feelings of despair under the (post-) colonial situation were the major factors contributing to the emergence of Rastafarians. However, little is known about how Rastafarians have earned their living as "Africans." This paper discusses the specific economic activities associated with their doctrine, and the changes in those activities since the death of the movement's founder. In Chapter 2, I introduce E.A.B.I.C. and discuss how it has changed historically. The organization was established during the mid-1950s by Prince Emmanuel Charles Edwards (called "Prince" in short). It worships Haile Selassie, Prince, and the famous pan-Africanist Marcus Garvey. The African lifestyle of E.A.B.I.C. places great value on economic self-reliance. In 1972, it began to develop a commune called the "Bobo Shanty." After Prince died in 1994, great changes occurred in the Bobo Shanty, including a succession race and power struggles. Some members lost faith and left the commune. Distrust among the remaining members resulted in the collapse of the Bobo Shanty system. Since the mid-1990s, many reggae musicians converted to E.A.B.I.C, and have popularized some of its phases. Because of all those changes, Bobo Shanty's economic activities have switched from being group-based to more personal-based. In Chapter 3, I analyze the economic activities of the members living in the Bobo Shanty based on my field data. During my fieldwork, there were about 60 regular residents. Most members engaged in "African" economic activities that represented their "Africanity," such as making traditional brooms and "guidances" (i.e., badges), and selling drinks such as wine and juice. Because of the significant impact of the converted reggae musicians, some guidance makers have used them as motifs, while other members have invented "Commercial Niyahbinghi" music, and some have begun to sing reggae music. This paper reveals that while the situation surrounding E.A.B.I.C. has changed, its members have not given up living as "Africans." I aim to research on how their products, as well as their knowledge and ideals regarding economic activities, have been received and revised.