史学雑誌
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
前漢の宗正 : 帝室・諸侯王家関係再考
楯身 智志
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ジャーナル フリー

2012 年 121 巻 3 号 p. 323-356

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The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi 武帝. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.

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© 2012 公益財団法人 史学会
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