In this article I have tried to analyze indigenous logic and practices of land inheritance in Akyem Abuakwa, one of the most intensive cocoa producing areas in the Republic of Ghana. Most of literatures on kinship and political economy in African societies have insisted on the transformation of a society from a lineage-based kinship and inheritance system into a new order based on filiation and elementary family due to modernization and penetration of the market economy. However, practices of cocoa-farmers of land tenure and inheritance in Southern Ghana show unique variations and sophistication of indigenous kinship and inheritance systems. For example, among patrilineal societies, migrant farmers from Abiriw of the Akuapim ridge prefer the basic patrilineal inheritance system, which contributes to strengthen social network between distant kin people. While Krobo farmers who are migrants from the Eastern Region prefer fair division of land between male legitimate children of a deceased. Among matrilineal societies of migrant farmers from Akropong of the Akuapim ridge, both negotiation and tension exist between matrilineal and patrifiliational inheritance rule. While matrilineal Akyem farmers, who are natives and dominant landowners in Akyem Abuakwa, have strong preference of matrilineal inheritance system.
Why are there such variations? They cannot be explained in terms of a unilineal development from a traditional to a modern form of kinship and inheritance. In this article, I analyze inheritance systems of patrilineal and matrilineal societies in order to clarify characteristic and logic of each system. Then I examine various inheritance rules practiced by farmers who belong to different societies, focusing on division of land, power relation between lineage members, and political and historical background in this area.

View full abstract

In the tropical rainforest of northern part of Republic of Congo, there live the Western Bantu groups engaging in both shifting cultivation and fresh water fishing. Since their historical arrival into the tropical rain forest by so-called “Bantu expansion”, through continuous migrations and distributions, they have completed original societies and original cultures adapted to the forest environment of this area. Their “symbiotic relationship” with “Pygmy” hunter-gatherers in the neighborhood is especially an indispensable element to understand not only the social system of this area but also culture of central part of Africa with various ethnic groups.
Though many precedent researches have been conducted about this interesting theme, most of them have analysed it from the hunter-gatherers' side and also have tended to draw the relationship from the static view point. In this paper, unlike the conventional researches, the author tried to describe the relationship between Sangha shifting cultivators and Aka hunter-gatherers dynamically by setting analytic emphasis on socio-political system and practice of shifting cultivators. After clarifying the quality of inequality in cultivators' society and discussing their social unit called “house”, the author tried to drew their indigenous relationship with the Aka as the process of negotiations between them in the context of the house.

View full abstract

The sign languages of the Deaf are visual natural languages that are created among the Deaf and transmitted from generation to generation within their community. Although research on sign languages and Deaf cultures is indispensable for understanding human languages and cultures in general, few studies have examined the sign languages of Africa, and there are no general introductions to the subject. Therefore, this paper outlines the sign languages of Africa and points out future research issues. It presents an original sign language map of Africa, and reviews the following, based on analyses of data collected through fieldwork and documentation.
(1) Africa has at least 23 sign languages. Most are named after African nations and not after African ethnic groups. Of the 23 sign languages, some originated in Africa and others from foreign sign languages. In addition to these 23 sign languages, the Deaf on the African continent use other sign languages, including “Franco-American Sign Language” observed in Cameroon, which is a pidginized American Sign Language that is shared among Deaf communities in several nations in West and Central Africa. Some of the African sign languages have distributions that are completely independent of those of African spoken languages.
(2) Foreign sign languages have been introduced to Africa, mainly from Europe and America. At least 13 foreign sign languages have been introduced to at least 27 African nations. Most of these introductions were related to the spread of Deaf education in the postcolonial era and not to colonial rule by Western powers. The presence of sign languages from America and Nordic countries is significant in Africa, and these languages have common characteristics, as they are from countries that are advanced in the field of Deaf education using sign languages.
(3) In the urban Deaf community of Cameroon, multi-ethnic Deaf people share a unique sign language. The ethnic diversity of Cameroon divides neither the sign language of the Deaf nor their Deaf identity.
On the basis of these results, I advocate a model of a “national Deaf community”, which can be stated as follows: “a national Deaf community has been newly constructed in each nation despite the linguistic and ethnic diversity of Africa.” As a conclusion, I suggest future research that is needed to understand “other linguistic cultures of Africa” considering the autonomous dynamics of sign languages.

View full abstract

The economic liberalization policy since 1986 has brought a rapid influx of imports such as second hand clothes into Tanzania. These imported goods opened new economic opportunities for the urban poor and vitalized a small-scale commercial sector called Machinga. This paper analyzes the unique transaction of Machinga in the trade of second hand clothes. I will then discuss the social relationships and norms relevant to their economic activities.
In Mwanza, the second largest city of Tanzania, the middlemen and micro-scale retail traders conduct a credit transaction called mali kauli. In this mali kauli transaction, the middlemen make an advance on merchandise to the retail traders without security and allow the retail traders to return the unsold merchandise and also renegotiate the purchase prices. If the retail traders fail to raise enough profit, they are given monetary assistance by the middlemen.
Previous reports in urban study argued that urban migrants tend to make closed groups according to kinship, village of origin and ethnic affiliation. Also the credit transactions including reciprocal help tend to be operated within that closed group. However, in the case of the mali kauli transaction, it builds business relationship with the people who have the personal quality called “Ujanja (‘ecunning’ or ‘eslyness’ in Swahili language)” rather than with relatives or member of the same ethnic group. Ujanja is the creed to life required for “survival” in urban society and build up a sense of fellowship of “we are Wamachinga”. Furthermore, Ujanja is almost the negotiating skills required in the retail business, meeting the requirements for the middlemen's economic benefits.
The mali kauli transaction offers a variety of economic benefits to both traders. In sum, the middlemen can ensure many regular clients and mobilize them to distribute merchandise swiftly and effectively. The retail traders can minimize their business risks.
On the other side, when the retail traders have complaints about the negotiations with the middlemen, they make various forms of resistance by exercising their “cunning” over the middlemen such as sabotage, overdraft of sustenance money or escaping with merchandise. It is thought that the background for maintaining such unstable transaction is the sense of solidarity among Wamachinga.
In conclusion this researcher insists that the economic activities of the small-scale traders are influenced by their creed to urban life and urban fellowship. The reciprocal economic relationships are not always based on the “moral” originating in the tradition of the rural community, but rather they are based on urban solidarity.

View full abstract