Rashid Rida (1865-1935) is known as a famous leader of Salafiyya Movement and a thinker of Arab Nationalism. When he began to publish his journal al-Manar at the end of the 19th century, the world of Islam had lost its religious unity and its political independence and fell under European rule. Many thinkers in Europe and the Middle East thought that the separation of religion and politics was inevitable, because they thought that Islam was a major obstacle to progress and development in the Islamic world. But, for Rida, religion and politics should not be divided in Islam. Former studies of Rida's thought have concentrated in his famous treatise al-Khilafa (The Caliphate)(1923). But, in this paper, I have attempted to elucidate his thought concerning the Islamic Reform, shown in his journal al-Manar, in the formative years of his thought (1898-1905). This paper will deal with the struggle of Rida to defend Muslim religious unity and the political independence of Islam against European dominance. He thought that the awakening of the Arabs was necessary for the recovery of Islamic unity. But, he also considered the Ottomans as the most important representatives of Islamic power. For him, Ottoman reform would be able to radiate to other Muslim countries since the Ottoman Empire held the central parts of Muslim world. As to the theme of the Caliphate, he rejected the claim of Arab Caliphate of Qurayshite descent and vindicated the Ottoman Caliphate, because the Sharifs of Mecca lacked many important requirements of the Caliphate.

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本研究は言語理論を用いることによりアラブ文化と日本文化の関係を明確にすることを目的としている。言語理論の為の調査は,トヨタ財団の研究資金援助により,日本,ハワイ,米本土,カイロ,アマン,において大学生を対象に,日・英・アラブ語で行なわれた。同じ内容のアンケートを日・英両語で日本の学生,アメリカ在住の日本人留学坐,日本語の出来るアメリカ人学生に与えた場合,質問の言語により返答の内容に一定の変化が起こる事実を発見した上で,アラブ,英両語を使用した場合,いかなる変化が生じるかを調査した。文化の本質は,その文化の自己観と世界観に最も影響を受けるという推論の基に今回の調査を行なったわけだが,調査結果を通じて日米文化を次の様に性格づける事が可能であると思われる。[table]すなわち自己観・世界観は国籍に左右されるのでなく,使用している言語によってより決定的に形成される事が実証的に証明された。つまりアラブ人がアラブ文化の一員であることは,アラブ語によって決定され,故に英語で話す時のアラブ人はアメリカ文化的な人間になることが判明したのである。日本人も英語で話す時は簡単に且つ明確に自己主張をする人間になり,逆に日本語で話すアメリカ人は曖味な日本的アメリカ人になってしまうのである。アラブ文化は日本文化と同様に自己観に関するかぎり族文化に属すが,世界観は二元論に象徴される絶対的な考えに基盤を置くものであるといえる。アメリカ文化は個人主義的であり,周りの人たちに構わず気にせずに楽観的であり,又日本人に比べると二元論的に思考するというデータ解析結果を得ることが出来た。言語理論による文化本質の比較研究は,各文化の規範はおそらくその言語と宗教によって大きな影響を受けているであろうということを示唆するものであろう。

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1991年のマドリッド会義と93年のオスロ合意以降,世界は中東和平に大きな期待を寄せてきた。その一方で,中東では兵器輸入が急速に拡大している。軍拡を急いでいるこの地域にとって「和平」は何を意味するのであろうか?中東和平の促進と兵器競争の拡大が同時に行われているのはなぜであろうか?この現状を見るならば,中東は本当に和平を求めているのか,疑問が生じてくる。国際戦争に関する基本的理論では「戦争」と「平和」は対置されるものであり,戦争への道である軍拡は和平プロセスと本来調和するものではない。その点から見れば中東の現状は説明しにくいであろう。本稿では,この奇妙なパラドックスを検討し,中東和平と戦争の意味を軍備との関係において位置付けていきたい。

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Turkiye Cumhuriyeti 1923'te kurulusundan bu yana, uluslararasi siyasal sistemin onemli uyelerinden birisi niteligini tasimistir. Soguk Savas suresince yayilmaci Sovyet tehdidine karsi bir NATO uyesi olarak Avrupa'nin guney dogu kanadinin savunmasini ustlenmis ve Bati'nin en sadik muttefiklerinden birisi olmustur. Soguk Savas sonrasi donemde ise jeostratejik ozellikleri dolayisiyla bir gecis ve tampon ulke olma konumunu devam ettirmistir. Ancak yeni rolu, dagilan Sovyetler birligi topraklarinda bagimsizliklarini ilan eden Turki Cumhuriyetlerin cagdas uluslararasi sisteme entegrasyonunda ornek bir model teskil etmek ve bir istikrar unsuru olmak biciminde sekillenmistir. Ayni bicimde Orta Dogu bolgesinde on yillardir suregiden mucadelede bir arabulucu olmak ve catisma alanlari ile baris topraklari arasinda bir tampon vazifesini gormek gorevini ustlenmistir. Bu nedenle Turkiye, sicak catismalara sinirdas olmasi gercegini de goz onunde bulundurursak, her donemde askeri yeteneklerini guclu ve hazir tutmak durumunda olmus ve ulkedeki ic siyasal yapi da ister istemez militer bir yapiya burunmustur. Turkiye cumhuriyeti dis siyasetini yonlendirirken bazi gerceklikleri hesaba katmak durumundadir. Bunlardan en onemlisi Osmanli imparatorlugu'nun mirascisi olmasi ve dolayisiyla eski Osmanli topraklarindaki topluluklarla varolan etnik ve kulturel baglarini halen surdurmesidir. Bu baglar Turk hukumetlerinin, Turk ve Musluman topluluklarin yasadigi bolgelerde ortaya cikan sorunlarda duyarsiz kalmalarini engellemekte ve kamuoyunun da etkisiyle Orta Dogu, Kafkasya ve Balkanlarda gundeme gelen problemlere uzaktan da olsa, taraf olmasina neden olmaktadir. Turkiye'nin cevresinde ortaya cikan pek cok anlasmazlikta belirli gruplar adina sorumluluk hissediyor olmasi ve sorunlara mudahale etmesi, etki alanini genisletmesi anlaminda bazi firsatlar taniyorsa da, ekonomik acidan oldukca sikintili donemlere sebebiyet vermektedir. Ulke icerisinde gelir dagiliminin bozuklugu ve istikrarsiz ekonomik yapi, Korfez krizi gibi bazi dis etkenlerle daha fazla siddetlenmekte ve ic siyasetinde yasadigi bazi sorunlarin da etkisiyle -PKK sorunu ya da radikal Islam'la mucadele gibi- ekonomiye agir yukler getirmektedir. Ancak 65 milyonluk nufusu ve sahip oldugu dogal kaynaklari ile gelecek icin oldukca olumlu mesajlar veren Turkiye, sosyal problemlerinin de cozumune yardimci olabilecek bazi ekonomik altyapi projelerini gerceklestirebilirse, 21. Yuzyilin bolgesel super guclerinden birisi olmaya adaydir. Turkiye'nin guclenmesi tum dunyanin uygarliklar catismasina dogru gittigi varsayilan bir donemde Bati acisindan da bir gerekliliktir. Zira Turkiye gerek Avrupa Birligi'ne olan yaklasimi, gerekse NATO uyeligi gibi somut ortakhklari ile Bati'nin bir parcasi oldugunu gostermekte ve laik ama Musluman bir ulke olmasinin getirdigi konumu ile uygarliklar arasinda bir kopru olma islevini yuklenmektedir.

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1967年6月に始まったイスラエルによる占領は,ヨルダン川西岸に重層的な法体系をもたらした。国際法上は1967年以前に施行されたヨルダンの国内法が依然として有効と見做されたにも拘らず,イスラエル当局は占領の開始以降,数多くの軍命令を発し,1967年当時のヨルダン川西岸の統治機構に大きな変化を与えた。このような状況下で,電気,上下水道,公共保健などの住民に対する福祉に直接的な責任を有した地方自治体の機能にも,さまざまな制約が課せられることとなった。本稿では,まず第一章で西岸地区に対するヨルダンの主権の正統性を巡る議論を概観した上で,第二章に於いてハーグ協定およびジュネーブ協定の観点から,イスラエル当局が発した軍命令の合法性を検証してみたい。更に第三章では,1955年の地方自治体法をはじめとするヨルダンの国内法とこれらの軍命令とを比較することにより,占領行政が如何に地方自治体の機能に影響を及ぼしたかに就いての分析を試みたい。

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Bilindigi gibi, Osmanli Devleti'nde ulema sinifi, hiyerarsik bir teskilat olarak orgutlenmistir. Dar anlamda Ilmiye teskilati, tarik-i tedris ve tarik-i kaza'dan olusturulmus olup Seyhulislam bu teskilatin en yuksek mevkiinde bulunmustur. Yargiclik ve ogretim gorevini orgutleyen Ilmiye teskilati, ayni zamanda Padisah tarafindan bahsedilen 'ayricalik ve onur'un tahsis duzeni olarak da nitelenebilir. Ulema sinifinin ozerkligi, ayricaligin saglanmasiyla birlikte gelismistir. Bu siki hiyerarsi (kurallara uygun atama ve terfi usulu), ulema atamalarinda dis yetkililerin mudahalelerinin onlenmesini sagliyordu. Ayrica Ilmiye teskilati'ni,'gelir kaynaklarinin tahsis duzeni' olarak nitelemek gerekir. Kadilar mahkeme harglarini, muderrisler vakif ucretini alma hakkini kazaniyorlardi. Bu yuzden istekliler ulema mesleginde yogunlasmistir. Bu acidan siki hiyerarsik sistem, aday kalabalikligini kontrol etmek icin kurulmus denebilir. Bu mesleklerin gelir kaynagi olma niteliginin dogal sonucu olarak itibari memuriyetler meydana gelmistir. Itibari paye sahibine tahsis edilen kadilik geliri olan arpalik, bu gelismeyi anlatan en iyi orneklerdendir. Kadilik gorevi cogu zaman naib tarafindan yerine getirildigi gibi, muderrisler de artik atandiklari medreselerde ogretmenlik yapmiyorlardi. Muderrislik gorevini haiz olanlarin cogu camilerde dersiamlik yapiyorlarsa da, daha cok kazanc isteyenler, kadi naibligi, veya Seyhulislam ve Kazasker gibi yuksek rutbeli ulemanin dairelerinde katiplik vazifelerini goruyorlardi. Naiblikler ve katiplikler, cogu kez rutbe sahipleri ile kisisel iliski kuranlara tahsis ediliyordu. XVIII. yuzyildaki bazi buyuk ilmiye ailelerinin hakimiyeti, yukarida anlatilan Ilmiye teskilatinin niteliklerinden meydana gelmistir. Ilmiye teskilati reformu 1826 yilinda baslamistir. Bu yil eski Aga Kapisi, Seyhulislam dairesine (Bab-i Fetva) cevrilmistir. Daha once Seyhulislam, Kazasker, ve Istanbul Kadisi, kendi konaklarinda gorev yaparlardi. Resmi ofislerin kurulusundan sonra buralarda hizmet eden katipler, resmi memur sifatini almislardir. Bab-i Fetva giderek burokratik bir orgute dogru gelismistir. 1855 yilinda Tevcihat-i Menasib-i Kaza Nizamnamesi ve Nuvvab hakkinda Nizamname ilan edilmistir. Birincisi kadilik verilmesi hakkinda ayrintili bir duzen kurmussa da kadilik artik sirf itibari rutbe haline gelmisti. Naiblik ise kadiligin yerine fiili ser'i hakimlige cevrilmistir. 1854 yilinda Mu 'allimhane-i Nuvvab (Mekteb-i Nuvvab) ve sonra Meclis-i Intihab-i Hukkamu's-ser'(Ser'i Hakimler Secim Meclisi) kurulup naiblerin secim usulu duzenlenmistir. 1864 tarihli Vilayet Nizamnamesi'nde her vilayete mufettis-i hukkam atanmasi usulu konulduktan sonra 1872 tarihli Mahakim-i Nizamiye hakkinda Nizamname ile her vilayet, sancak ve kazaya naib atanmaya baslanmistir. Ser'i mahkemenin yargi usulu de turlu talimatnameler ile islah edilmistir. Naiblik teskilatinin kurulmasinin yani sira yeni yargi sistemi (mahakim-i nizamiye teskilati) kuruldugundan naibin yetkisi azalmisti. 1888 tarihli irade-i seniyede ser'i ve nizami mahkemelerin gorevlerinin ayrilmasi belirlenmistir. Ser'i mahkemelere sadece evlenme, miras ve vakifla ilgili idare ve yargilama yetkisi birakilmistir. Fakat nizami mahkemelere atanacak hakimler suratle yetistirilemediginden naibler onlarin gorevlerini de yapmislardir. Kaza bidayet mahkeme reisligi ve sancak ve vilayet mahkemesi hukuk dairesi reisliginin bir cogu, Imparatorlugun sonuna kadar naiblere havale edildi. 1909 yilinda Beyanu'l-hak dergisinde "Cem'iyet-i Ilmiye-i Islamiyenin Hukkamu's-ser' Kismi tarafindan Meb 'usan-i Kirama takdim olunan Idyihadir" adli reform tasarisi yayimlanmistir. Tasari, mahkeme usulunun duzenlenmesi ve naib seciminde Mekteb-i Nuvvab mezunlarinin tercih edilmelerini temel amac almistir. Bu tasarida onerilenlerin bir kismi II. Mesrutiyet

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Yemen is in the southern region of the Arabian peninsula. al-Hadi ila-1-Haqq Yahya b. al-Husayn [245-298/859-911], the first Imam al-Zaydi al-Shii in Yemen, arrived at Sa^cda and Najran which are cities in Northern Yemen by the request of the tribes in those cities. They invited him as a mediator for settling their deep disputes since the time of Jahiriya. In the former researches about the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen, most of the results are only a description of what followed his activity chronologically. But I have a question about that, namely, why he was invited as a mediator? I think that if the tribes wanted someone to mediate in their desputes, a person with the ability to mediate was available. They did not need to call him for it. In this research, I have examined the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen by investigating his biography both in the tribal aspect and the al-Hadi's aspect. In the conclusion I have pointed out that the tribes in Yemen have some consciousness of the worship of the Prophet and his descendants, so they invited al-Hadi who is a descendant of the Prophet.

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Bu konu ile ilgili olan arastirmalari dis politikanin karar verici unsurlarina gore, 'Sovyet Tehdidini Onemseyenler' ve 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler' olmak uzere ikiye ayrilabilir. Birincisi Batililar tarafindan desteklenip, Carlik Rusyasi ile Osmanlilar arasindaki tarihsel dusmanligin surdurulmesini vurgulamaktadir. Ayni zamanda bu tezi savunmalar arasinda Soguk Savasi doneminde ortaya cikan tarih dusunceleri abartip, Kurtulus Savasindaki Sovyetlerin yardimlari ile Turk-Sovyet dostlugun ilerledigini hafife almaktadir. Ikincisi ise, Turkiye Cumhuriyetinde yaygin olan ltalyan tehdidi ve Turk-Sovyet dostlugunu vurgulamaktadir. Fakat oncekine alternatif olup Sovyetlerin tehdidini yadsimasindan, Italyan tehdidini nispi olarak buyutmektedir. Bunun icin bu makalede basta olarak 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'e karsi bazi tenkit noktalarini savunmak istiyorum. Turkiye 1930'lu yillarda "Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh" sloganin altinda dostca politikasi izlemektedir. Bu yuzden Akdeniz'de somurge politikasi izleyen Italya ile arasindaki iliskisi kotulesmistir. Aksine Turkiye Almanya'nin Sudet bolgesini ilhak etmesine kadar suren bazi haraketler ile Versailles duzenini yikmasina anlayis gosterip, Cekoslavakya Istilasi (1939.3.15) na da kaygsizca bakiyordu. Ama Alman-Roman Ticaret Antlasmasinin imzalanmasi (1939.3.23)ndan sonra, Turkiye Almanya'yi tehdid unsuru olarak degerledirmeye basIamistir. Turkiye'nin Londra Buyukelcisi Tevfik Rustu Aras'in Ingilizlere Turkiye, Yugoslavya ve Yunanistan'in Ingiliz-Italyan Akdeniz Anlasmasina katilacagini onermesi de bu var sayimi ispat etmektedir. 'Italyan Tehdidini Onemseyenler'in bas sebebi Arnavutluk Isgali (1939.4.7) dir. Ama bu olay sirasinda Turkiye tarafsiz kalacagini gostermistir. Yine, Maresal Fevzi Cakmak Bakanlar Kurulunda Italya'nin Bulgaristan'in cekimserligi ile Turkiye'yi istila planini terk ettigini ve ordusunu Habesistan'a gonderdigini bildirdi. Turkiye Italya'yi o kadar tehdid unsuru olarak gormuyordu. Bununla birlikte, Almanya Turkiye'nin Ingiltere'ye yaklasmasinin ana nedeni Arnavutluk Isgali kaynaklandigina inanip, bu olaydan sonra Alman Buyukelciligine atanmis olan von Papen Turk-Italyan munasebetini iyilestirmek icin cabalar harciyordu. Turkiye ise Almanya'nin durumunu yanlis anlamasindan istifade edip, Italyan tehdidini asiri olarak vurgulamasi ile Ingiltere'ye yanasmak zorunda kaldigini anlatmaktadir. Bunun icin Almanya'nin istegi uzerine Italya Turkiye'ye bir saldirmazligi teklifi vermisti. Ancak Turkiye bunu reddedip, Turk-Ingiliz Ortak Demecini yayinlamistir (1939.5.12). Alman-Italyan askeri ittifak muzakereleri ilerlememesine ragmen Ribbentorop ile Ciano arasindaki Milano gorusmesinde Italya bu Ittifak birdenbire onaylayip (1939.5.6-7), 'Celik Pakti' imzalamistir (1939.5.22). Bu Pakti imzalanmasin etkileyip simdiye kadar gozlemimizden kacmis olan unsurlardan Turk-Ingiliz muzakereleri surecinde ortaya cikip Mihver devletadamlarin kulaklarina geldigi haberlerin buyuk onem olusturdugu soylenebilir. Sonunda Italya onceden beli istedigi Akdeniz'deki Ingiltere'nin Ortak yerini kaybetmesini aciga vurmaktadir. Hem Almanya'dan hemde Ingiltere'den ayricalik verilmeye calisilan Italya'nin yanliz Almanlarin tarafina yonelmesinin nedenlerinden biri Turkiye'nin dis politikasi oldugunu soyliyebiliriz. Ikinci Dunya Savasi'nin patlamasindan ertesi gunu Italya butun dunya'ya karsi 'Nonbelligerenza(Savas disi)' Demeci'ni yayinladi. Buna ragmen Turkiye yine Italyan tehdidini vurgulamaya devam ediyordu. Donemin Turk dis politikasi sadece 'bekleme politikasi' degil, Ikinci Dunya Savas'nin esiginde uluslararasi munasebetlerinde onemli bir rol oynamaktadir. Turkiye'nin Italyan tehdidini vurgulmasinin gercek amaci

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本文中で触れたように、象は、パン屋さんで世界一巨大なカアク、お皿工場で普通のお皿の百枚分もある大皿、靴屋さんで百足分もある靴を作り、そのことは既に先行するテキストで述べられている。つまりこれらは全て限定形で表されていても、読者は文脈的情報によりその指示対象を理解できるはずもので、その原則に従えば限定形で表されるべきなのである。それがカアクだけが限定形で、お皿と靴が非限定形という不揃いが生じている。この場合まずカアクが限定形になっていることから、読者はその指示対象を知るためには、それ以前のテキストをスキャンし、象がパン屋さんで世界一大きなカアクを焼いたという情報を得る必要がある。ところが前節でも述べたように「象」の物語には、パターンの定まったサブ物語が3つあり、象はそのパターンに従ってそれぞれの巨大商品を作ったわけである。もし続くお皿と靴も限定形であったなら、カアクの場合と同じ情報検索の手間をさらに二回繰り返さなければならないことになる。加えてカアク・お皿・靴それぞれに修飾節が後続し、読者はそれらによっても情報を与えられている。この場合、最初のカアクだけを限定形にし、後の二つを非限定形すなわち読者の持っている情報ではその指示対象を特定できない場合の形式を用いて表すことで、逆に読者が情報検索、それも最初の情報検索と全く同じパターンの情報を得るための検索作業に用いる労力を省く効果があるのではないか。つまり最初だけ完全な形で提示し、二・三番目はいわば「以下同文」的な扱いをしたのである。さらに、こうして名詞句全体を"軽く"しておくことで、後に修飾節をつけて読者に別の情報を与えることが、よりやりやすくなった。或いは逆に、非限定形にして、その指示対象を特定するための情報を減らしてしまった分を、新たな修飾節で補ったと考えることもできるかもしれない。

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Jubran Khalil Jubran (1883-1931), well-known as Kahlil Gibran, the author of The Prophet, is a poet who was born in Mount Lebanon, emigrated to the United States of America, and spent most of his lifetime there. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze some aspects of the revolution of Arabic Poetry which he initiated. Arabic poetry, which had traditionally been the main genre of Arabic creative literature, regained its vigor in the 'asr al-nahda,' evoking the pride in the glory of Arab-Islamic civilization. However, the Arabic poetry of the time tended to follow the traditional view of poesy in its content and form, which had been formed in the Abbasid period. Jubran objected to this situation. Prominent features of Jubran's poetry are: seeking for 'unknown' through his prophet-like vision, critical and rebellious stance toward the reality, and expression of the personal experience as a stranger. As for the poetic form, Jubran regarded it as a means of expression of his vision and message. Therefore, he was not only selective in it, but also altered it and tried to create new forms, calling himself 'creator of forms (khaliq ashkal)'. Through this process, he came up with an alternative to the tradition of poetry of strictly defined forms. At the same time, however, he was a traditional poet in the sense that he inherited the Arab cultural legacies in his poetic world, and his poetic vision was prescribed by a monotheistic world view. Nevertheless, traditionalists like Mustafa Sadiq al-Rafii criticize his deviation from 'the true tradition'. The traditional view of poesy remained very influential through the 'asr al-nahda' and the period between the two world wars, probably because it fanctioned as a centripetal force in the context of seeking for a stable cultural identity under the Western hegemony. However, that view of poesy confuses 'tradition as structure' with 'tradition as ideology'; regards paticular norms as 'the true tradition' that constitutes the essence of the Arab culture; and excludes all that deviates from these norms. As a conclusion, this paper suggests that Jubran's romantic revolution was not rejection of 'tradition as structure', but it implied criticism of the ideology of traditionalism which emerged in the 'asr al-nahda'.

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The aime of this paper is to describe the social groups in relation to sedentarization. Nomadic people in Antalya, in the southern part of Turkey, make their living between winter camps (kışla) and summer camps (yayla). The society of nomads had drastically changed because of the Sedentarization law in 1934, land reform after 1945, and village development programs for modernization in 1950's by the goverment. Social groups studied are (1) aşiret: a social group like a "tribe", I define "tribe" in my paper as the group which selects subsistance areas (pasture). (2) sülâle: a patrilineal descent group, (3) oba: a temporaly moving group and camp group. I studied the traits of each group's formation and membership on winter and summer camps. According to my study, 1950's-60's saw the big trend for the sedentarization. The situations depended on each family, most of which selected winter camps for residence. But all of the nomads who settled in did not abandon their nomadic lives. because the selection for settled life is one of the ways for rational economic strategies. In that situation, the Aşiret doesn't fulfill the function of an autonomous social group, it exists in name only as identity. The traites of aşiret is something like clan in anthropologically. In terms of leader selection, the specific sülâle is superior to others. By my study, sülâle is said patrilineal descent group, but succession of the name from father's is about 1/3. There is possibility that a person can have membership in two groups. My study indicates it is related to the mutual recognition beween the name of a social group like aşiret, sülâle and the summer camps. The settled people living in a town don't recognize the social group's names and the summer camps. The members of oba are based on the nuclear family, and trait of oba has fluidity and openness with non relatives. The decision for pasture land depends on the condition of grass and farmland. The nomadic must pay if they can't pasture in his ownland, because their pastures are under the control of the state administration. Çayır yaylası, is one of the summer camps in the Anamas Mts, there are some yay/as for yörük covering about lOOOOha on a plateau. It is like a small village with some springs, two tomb areas, one mescit. Before 1950 there were several hundreds tents, but in 1994 only 14 tents. The nomad doesn't pay pasture fees for the land near the village, becouse the specific aşiret, including settled people, have the custom of using there. Other summer camps near the village had began to pay money from 1993. In 1997 the goverment demands the land registration fees (tapu.) for Çayır yaylsı, This reflects the extention of the modern state administration. Judging from my studies, aşiret as social groups in winter camps doesn't today exist as [reality], it is in name only. The names show the classifications as [category] which go back to the old dynasties and nomadic life. However in the summer camps, the aşiret has the [reality] to play a part in determining who can use the pasture land customarily. It shows that the [ideology], which informs the social actions for determining pastures, still influences in modern turkish administration with the a~iret. The nomadic people use this flexbility of the traits to continue their nomadic life.

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なお編集委員会より筆者が<イスラームの経済>とした研究部門は,正確には<イスラームの社会と経済>研究班であるという訂正があった。筆者の指摘とはむしろ反対で,「いわゆるイスラーム経済の分析ではなく,(まったく無関係ではありませんが),イスラーム世界における資源や水,ODAやNGOなどが研究対象だと聞いております」との申し添えがあった。しかし<イスラームの社会と経済>のうち社会を省けば,残りはまさに<イスラームの経済>であり,特に訂正の必要があるとは思えない。ひとはそこにイスラーム的な経済研究を期待するのは当然ではないだろうか。イスラーム世界の資源,水を研究するには,どうもこのタイトルはおかしいのではないか。イスラームのODAやNGOなど奇妙なものがこのタイトルに入るのは,いかがなものであろうか。名が体を現していない事態は,現在のわれわれの研究部門にはつきもののようである。筆者の真意は,きちんとタイトル通りの研究が実践されることが望ましいという意味であり,現状のなんたるかを読者に明示する上でこの種の行き違いも有益な情報であろう。このような経過から,あえて原文の訂正はしない。

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