日本中東学会年報
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
14 巻
選択された号の論文の11件中1~11を表示しています
  • 森 晋太郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 1-20
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 尾沼 君江
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 21-55
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菊地 達也
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 57-84
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    We can see many variations in Isma'ili thought since the 10th century. Some scholars say that the intrinsic qualities of Isma'ilism lie in Neoplatonic philosophy. Others think that there was a transformation from gnostic myth into Neoplatonic philosophy in the history of Isma'ili thought in the 10-11th century. It is a question difficult to answer what is the universal core of Isma'ili thought. The main objective of my present research is to examine the universal essence in Isma'ilism in the 10-12th century. I think we will discover common characters if we consider Neoplatonic Isma'ilism as a variant of Isma'ili mythology and pay attention to a peculiar element seen in the whole of it. I think the existent fallen from the heaven plays an important role in it. From this point of view I will divide it into 4 types: Abu'Isa's myth, the Neoplatonic doctrine of Universal Soul, the myth of the fall of Adam, and the myth of Adam Ruhani. In these myths the existent fallen from the heaven explains the origin and the end of this world, the meaning of Isma'ili da'wah and its religious doctrines in the cosmos, and the ultimate aim of human history and Isma'ili adherents who live in it. The mythology where the fallen existent takes a leading part gives purpose in living to Isma'ilis as a minority and drives them to participate in Isma'ili da'wah. I conclude that the essence of Isma'ilism lies in such a mythology.
  • 元好 朗子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 85-120
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    この研究の目的はアッバース朝時代の詩人、アブー・ヌワース(AD762-815)とアルブフトリー(AD821-897)のカシーダの中にみられるワインと絵画描写モチーフを比較分析することである。アブー・ヌワースは狩猟の様子が描かれたワイン・カップを詩の中に描写し、アルブフトリーはイーワーン・キスラーの壁画の描写をおこなっている。はじめに、ワイン・モチーフを含んだ絵画的テーマとワスフ(描写)またはエクフラシス(絵画の描写、厳密には非言語記号システムによって作成されたテクストの言語化)の役割を「幻想」と「現実」という概念に照らし合わせて、心理的、理論的に考察する。さらに、そのワスフがカシーダの伝統的三部構造:ナシーブ、ラヒール、マディーフの枠組みにおいてどのような作用を果たしているかを調査する。理論的方法論としては、絵画的テーマの機能を明らかにするために、Murray KriegerとAndrew Beckerのエクフラシスについての研究を用いる。さらに全体構造を分析するためにDavid Quintの著作Epic and EmpireとGian Biagio ConteのThe Rhetoric of Imitationを主に参考にする。ワスフの働きは中世アラブ注釈者がいうような、単なる詩的対象の描写だけではない。またカシーダは、古いオリエンタリストたちが主唱してきたように、断片的でも客観的でもない。その具体的、物質的描写を用い、カシーダは形而上的・抽象的なものをも表現しようとしている。その意味で、この二つの詩は大変比喩的であるといえる。なぜなら、二詩にみられるエクフラシス(絵画の描写)は実はマディーフ(称賛)の役割を比喩的に果たしているからである。また、二人の詩人はエクフラシス的テクニックを用いることにより、聴く者に、幻想と現実の世界を行き来させている。さらに三部構造からみた際の現実と幻想の概念の問題は、詩人達の政治的意図とも密接な関係がある。伝統的カシーダは普通、詩人の実際の政治的立場をその構造において反映させる。両詩人とも実際はアッバース朝を称賛しなければならないのに、過去のもう存在しないササン朝を称賛している。このことは遠回しにアッバース朝への風刺を表わしているともいえる。これらの調査により、カシーダの構造およびテーマにおける伝統的慣習を知ることなしには、カシーダを正しく理解することは大変難しいという結論が導き出された。また、エクフラシスの西洋理論とインター・アートの理論を用いた分析は、二詩人の意図を明らかにさせ、カシーダ詩学に新しいパースペクティブを与えてくれたといえるであろう。
  • 岩瀬 由佳
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 121-146
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    本研究は、古代インド説話集として知られる『パンチャタントラ』中の3話の様々な版を比較研究するものである。その際、アラビア語、シリア語、ヘブライ語及びサンスクリット語で書かれた殆どの現存する『パンチャタントラ』の支本、サンスクリットやパーリ語で書かれた他の説話集中のパラレルを、民話をも視野に入れつつ調べる。本研究において取り扱う3話、すなわち「烏と蛇」「鷺と蟹」「鷺と蛇とマングース」は、『パンチャタントラ』の殆どの支本に含まれる-アラビア語版である有名な『カリーラとディムナ』、その初期翻訳の殆ど、及び失われたパフラヴィー版から直接訳された古いシリア語訳を含めて。「鷺と蟹」はパーリジャータカにもパラレルを持っている。本研究の主な目的は、各挿話のプロット及び導入詩節の発展を調べ、導入詩節とそれに続く挿話がいかに影響しあい、またいかに各テクストが依存しあっているかを示すことである。また、様々な文化/宗教を背景に持つ作品中に含まれるこれらの挿話を調べることにより、こうした文化/宗教の違いが文言や話の筋に及ぼす影響についても示しうることを期待している。
  • 長谷川 奏
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 147-162
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Memphis was located at the most important place along the Nile channel, and flourished as a central city in the Dynastic period. In the Memphite area, people lived on low hilltops in cultivated land, and a necropolis was formed at the edge of the desert lead from the waterfront funeral-port. Men or commodities were prevalent on the Nile, when a building project or a religious ceremonies for local deities were held. In addition, Memphis was a city where temples, palace and military camp were placed. The eastern quarries provided them fine blocks as an architectural materials. And a lot of artifacts composed of ceramic, wooden, glazed or metal objects had been produced, transported or consumed in both Memphis and its necropolis. This is an aspect of a local economy at the Memphite area in antiquity, and it formed a great tradition. Then, the Imperial system made a new circulation. The Roman wares found at Karanis in Fayum, and at Hermopolis in Middle Egypt, show a trace of the trade network that ranged from the Mediterranean commercial center to the local market in Egypt. The Nile and canals also connected the Memphite area with the Western Delta region, where the Eastern Mediterranean market affected the distribution of the area. Thus both of the local tradition could have been succeeded in the Early Islamic period as a final aspect in late antiquity.
  • 福田 義昭
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 163-196
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to re-examine the novels of Najib Mahfuz (1911-) in the light of urban space. Most of the novels and short stories of Mahfuz have their settings exclusively in Cairo, the capital city of Egypt where he himself was born and brought up. Adnan Haydar and Michael Beard, indeed, rightly assert that "the aesthetic of the city" is the subject of Mahfuz's work. When we examine the existing studies of Mahfuz's novels, however, we find that the main focus is on socio-political and religious interpretations of Mahfuz's work and "the aesthetic of the city" is only partially touched on. In fact, most of them tend to be contented with repeating rather worn-out cliches that Mahfuz is a chronicler of the 20th century Cairo etc. In this paper, therefore, I will concentrate my attention on what could be identified as urban aspects in Mahfuz's novels and try to grasp Mahfuz's city from as broad viewpoints as possible. Contrary to the common perception, I believe, Mahfuz's novels do not contain so many descriptions of the landscapes of the city; rather he uses the real place names of Cairo as symbolical signifiers which have acquired various meanings through history. We can say, in this sense, that Mahfuz depends heavily on the real Cairo as a historical product and that his main interest is almost always in the historical aspects of the city. The city loaded with its many histories and complicated relations between city dwellers of various origins and vocations often shows itself as an oppressive space in Mahfuz's novels. This we can see in his overwhelming use of 'eyes' in his novels. While we encounter these eyes everywhere in Mahfuz's city, the places where the characters can be liberated from them are limited to the peripheries of the city or the roofs of the buildings. In Mahfuz's novels, the dichotomy between Nature and Civilization is not represented by 'the country/the city' but by 'the desert/the city'. The eastern desert of Cairo at the foot of the Muqattam hill is often called al-khala' or 'the emptiness' in Mahfuz's novels. Al-khala' is an open space as against the closed space which is the city. Moreover, it functions as a timeless place against the historical city. The graveyard lies symbolically between the desert and the city as a border between Nothingness and History.
  • 松井 真子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 197-218
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Commercial relations between the Ottoman Empire and European countries were regulated by the capitulations. Under the capitulatory regime European merchants were granted the status of muste'men, enjoying commercial privileges and protection in the world of. Islam. As trade began to expand in the mid-eighteenth century, muste'men merchants began to participate in trade within the Ottoman Empire, a situation which had been rather limited when the capitulations had first been granted. This commercial activity of muste'men merchants coincided with a period of financial crisis in the Ottoman Empire caused by incessant wars with neighboring countries. The Ottoman government were trying to raise its revenue in whatever way it could. One of the government's main targets was the custom revenues from trade. When this attempt extended to the imposition of internal duties on muste'men merchants, European consulates protested, and the situation finally ended up in the signing of free trade treaties between the Ottoman Empire and European countries. This paper analyzes this process by examining 1) the significance of miri duty (resm-i miri), one of the main internal duties imposed on muste'men merchants, and 2) the European opposition to miri duty in Izmir, a city which connected Ottoman internal and external trade networks.
  • 濱田 聖子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 219-247
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the long history of Arabic rhetoric, the thirteenth century is often regarded as the most important turning point. We no longer find the creativity of al-Sakkaki (d. 1226) whose Miftah al-'Ulum served as a model for many stereotyped commentaries. It goes without saying that the thirteenth century Arabic poetics is the outcome of the formative stage, particularly that of various developmental periods in the ninth and tenth centuries. Ibn al-Mu'tazz (d. 908)'s Kitab al-Badi' edited by the efforts of I. Kratchkovsky and his enthusiastic studies concerning the author's work, motivated many scholars to investigate this formative period of Arabic poetics. Although all of these scholars mention al-Jahiz (d. 868) as the first important figure in this early period of Arabic rhetoric, the instability of technical terms and the ambiguousness of their meanings employed by al-Jahiz, have caused scholars to generally avoid thorough investigation of his rhetoric. The purpose of this paper is to analyze al-Jahiz's rhetorical ideas and to reexamine his importance in Arabic poetics. First, al-Jahiz's description of "al-badi'" (the novel new generational style of the early 'Abbasid age) and "al-fasaha" (eloquence) is studied to reveal his rhetorical emphasis. Then, in order to consider al-Jahiz's importance to Arabic rhetoric, this paper follows the two antithetical images of al-Jahiz held by post-Jahizian rhetoricians, as well as that of the reputation of his masterpiece al-Bayan wa al-Tabyin whose theme is mainly concerned with rhetoric.
  • 加藤 博
    原稿種別: 本文
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 275-284
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In his essay titled "Economic Theories and Middle Eastern Studies in Japan" in AJAMES (No.12, 1997), Professor Tadashi Okanouchi criticized my book in Japanese, Islam as a Civilization (University of Tokyo Press, 1995), from the theoretical point of view. This small essay is my response to this criticism. Professor Okanouchi called the economic theory, which I adopted in my book for analyzing the characteristics of Islamic economies, as a mercantile theory, and criticized that I anachronistically used this theory regardless of historical context, and overlooking the theoretical heritage of Adam Smith, Karl Marx and Max Weber, who tried to make a linkage between economy and Human Rights. Against Professor Okanouchi's criticism, I insist that the purpose of my book was to present an ideal image or vision of Islamic economies, whose prosperity were structurally based on commerce, being compared with the modern capitalistic economy, that is the object of analysis for Adam Smith, Karl Marx and Max Weber, whose prosperity was structurally based on industry, and defend the utility of the economic theory on market in John R. Hicks's book titled A Theory of Economic History (Oxford University Press, 1969), in which Hicks analyzes the formation and development of market as the process of the birth of the class of merchants and the expansion of their activities, for the purpose of my book.
  • 杉田 聖子
    原稿種別: 書評
    1999 年 14 巻 p. 297-305
    発行日: 1999/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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