Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 15
Displaying 1-10 of 10 articles from this issue
  • Taef Kamal EL-AZHARI
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 27-55
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Takahiro FUKUMORI
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 73-89
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this study, between ERPs (event-related potentials) for equivalent morpho-phonological possible and impossible nonwords are compared in terms of Turkish vowel harmony in an auditory mode. I researched processing of Turkish vowel harmony in the brain and relationships between N400 and morphophonological processing. In a small experiment, a native Turkish speaker listened to 20 sets of stimuli (papap, papep, papup…). Result: (1) For Turkish palatal harmony, the N400 value of peak amplitude for impossible nonwords is smaller than that for possible nonwords. (2) Turkish vowel harmony processing is associated with morphophonological processing and processing based on functional load. It appears that when Turkish palatal harmony rule is violated, response reflected on N400 toward presented stimuli is small, and also Turkish vowel harmony is parallely processed within the brain.
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  • Sumikazu YODA
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 91-125
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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  • Satoru NAKAMURA
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 127-151
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the political perspectives of bedouins who joined the Ikhwan Movement. This study argues the process that the chief of the Mutayr tribe Faysal al-Dawish became a major Ikhwan leader from the perspective of examining the balance of power and the political rhetoric he used. Faysal al-Dawish had been an opportunistic bedouin chief and had resisted the expansion of the rule by Al Sa'ud before he joined the Ikhwan Movement. However, after the cities of the Qassim region were occupied by Al Sa'ud in 1907 and the northern desert became a target for tribal manipulation by the Ottomans in 1914, he reconciled with 'Abd al-'Aziz Al Sa'ud and pledged loyalty to him. Then he settled in hijrat al-Artawiyah. This was a political process of rational choice by Faysal to preserve political independence and to expand the territory of the Mutayr tribe as much as possible. Faysal engaged in propagating the Wahhabism to the bedouins since 1917 and started compeling his tribesmen to accept it by force in 1919. He voiced his opinion directly to 'Abd al-'Aziz that he wished to attack the enemy of the Wahhabis. He commanded an Ikhwan troop in the Battle of Hamd and the Battle of Jahra' in 1920. Thus, he became a leading figure in the Ikhwan Movement. However, relations between 'Abd al-'Aziz and Faysal were more complicated than to be simply called "Imam and subject." In one aspect, their relationship was an alliance which benefited both of them mutually in order to expand their territory. He never abandoned his ambition to expand his suzerainty. However, on the other hand, they were rivals in the fact that they were cautious about the increasing power of the other. They also competed for Islamic legitimacy in their political rhetoric.
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  • Kazuhiro ARAI
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 175-203
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    In the period from the First World War through the 1920's, there was a tension between the Hadhrami network and the British. Because of the internal struggle in the Hadhramaut and so-called Sayyid-Irshad dispute in the Hadhrami communities in Southeast Asia, the movements of "suspicious" or "undesirable" Hadhramis between the Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut were carefully monitored and recorded by the British. The record now serves as useful sources to know about their movement and how they sent money to their homeland. The close observation of the way Hadhrami network actually worked reveals the fact that, although the term "Hadhrami Network" implies an autonomous network of people and goods independent of the economic system established by the European powers, the Hadhrami network functioned within the framework of transportation and remittance system built by Europeans in the Indian Ocean. In the twentieth century, the Hadhramis usually travelled between Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut by European steamships, and used bank drafts issued by European banks to send remittance to their homeland. This observation, however, does not necessarily mean that the network was totally subordinated to the policy of the British. Due to the lack of necessary information, the British was unable to exercise total control over the movement of people and money. In any case, as long as the stability of the Hadhramaut was important for the British, the basic structure of the Hadhrami network was to be maintained. It was the occupation of Southeast Asia by the Japanese, the country which had no relation with the Hadhrami network, that virtually terminated the Hadhrani migration to Southeast Asia.
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  • Yumi ISHIMARU
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 205-223
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
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    It has always been necessary to define terms whenever discussing ideas about nationalism. The Ottoman Empire was no exception and possessed several terms referring to social, religious andethnic groups. The meanings of these terms, however, differed both according to the writers or the context in which writer was speaking, Semseddin Sami (1850-1904), who had an Albanian nationality, is credited with linguistic contributions to the Ottoman Empire. Especially he is recognized as an pioneer of cultural Turkish Nationalism by helping the growth of Turkish self-awareness. And also he is recognized as a pioneer of cultural Albania Nationalism by creating new letters for Albanian and other cultural contributions to Albania. The main purpose of this paper is to study the transformation of the self-identity of Semseddin Sami which seems tobe complicated by defining the terms for nationalism that were used by him from 1876 to 1882. In 1876 Sami published a dairy newspaper, Sabah in Istanbul. At that times the Ottoman empire was involved in the Eastern question. Sabah, therefore, spared many spaces for this question too. Sami regarded this situation as the crisis to Vatan (the Ottoman Empire) and claimed that an Ottoman nation should be united against this crisis. An idea of Ottoman nation was derived from the new policy Osmanlilik which granted non-muslims in the Empire full rights as Ottoman citizens, Referring to an Ottoman nation, Sami implied the equality between muslims and non-muslims as well. Five years later (1881) he published a magazin of enlightenment, Hafta. Sami showed the ideas of Vatan, which all Ottoman citizens should be demonstrate loyalty to, and an Ottoman Nation. We, however, can find a little change of idea of an Ottoman nation in his statements in Hafia. He defined an Ottoman nation as all Ottoman citizens among which there was no ethnic and national distinction. In fact his idea of Ottoman nation in Hafta came to be based on the ethnic and national equality, not the religious equality. As one of the reasons of this change, the Albanian issue (1878) could be counted. Whenever Sami refered to this issue he showed innate, sentimental attachment to another Vatan (Albania) as the fatherland of Albanians. The fact that this issue made his ethnic consciousness clearer and made him interested in ethnic groups around him could bring this change of the idea. Sami showed many interests to ethnic groups and used many terms to express the notion of ethnic groups in Hafta. First of all, the notion of ummet, which, is used in a religious sense in the Islamic world, conjured up a community where people spoke a common language buo lived beyond and geographic goundaries for Sami. The most widely used word meaning ethnic group in Ottoman Turkish was the term kavim. What constituted the difference between ummet and kavim for Sami was the population numbers involved and the scale of civilization which that population which that population had reached. He was convinced that every kavim could become ummet if it had its own language and literature as guidelines towards civilization. The word cins also came to be used to signify race. We find several examples of cins in Hafta. According to Sami's usages, cins denttes an ethnic group based on language, so for him, the term cinsiyet (an abstruct noun derived from cins) perfectly coincided with kavmiyet (the abstraction of kavim). In addition it was common for him to apply the term millet to an ethnic group (kavim) in Hafia. It can be easily recognized that Sami tried to regard Ottoman language as Turkish language and spread the Turkish self-awarenss among Ottoman Turks as for as this cotevt Hafia was concered. By the way, Sami, who identified himself as an Ottoman with Albasnian consciousness, gave a definition to being an Ottoman with ethnic consciousness. Being an Albanian was an innate and cultural consciousness for him. On the

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  • Kota SUECHIKA
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 259-314
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Kimiyo YAMAURA
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 315-359
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Haruko SAKAEDANI
    Article type: Article
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 361-369
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Kentaro SATO
    Article type: Book Review
    2000 Volume 15 Pages 371-376
    Published: March 31, 2000
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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