Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies
Online ISSN : 2433-1872
Print ISSN : 0913-7858
Volume 28, Issue 1
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
  • Mari NUKII
    Article type: Article
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 1-34
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In the spring of 1951, the Iranian government nationalized the oil industry, which had been controlled by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) since the beginning of the 20th century. As a result of the oil nationalization movement, the National Front (NF) and its leader Mohammad Mosaddeq gained in popularity among the public, especially the merchants and guilds in the bazaar (bazaaris). There are two views on the bazaaris’ motivation for joining the oil nationalization movement: the religious explanation and the economic explanation. However, the religious explanation ignores the diversity within the Tehran bazaar community. In addition, neither model was supported by systematic analysis based on the collective actions of the bazaaris at the time. The aim of this paper is to better understand the bazaaris’ motivation for joining the Iranian oil nationalization movement through the analysis of protest events in the Tehran bazaar. Both explanations for bazaaris joining nationalist movements were examined through the analysis of two sets of data: (1) the shutdown of the Tehran bazaar (24 events) and (2) the bazaaris’ protests (321 events), collected from Persian newspapers, Eṭṭelā‘āt and Bākhtar-e Emrūz, during the Mosaddeq government (April 1951–August 1953). The paper concludes that protest events organized by the Tehran bazaaris support the economic explanation more than the religious explanation. Although the Society of Merchants, Guilds, and Artisans (SMGA), the decision maker of the Tehran bazaar closure, and Kāshānī initially had a cooperative relationship, the SMGA cultivated closer relationships with the secular parties of the NF and continued to support Mosaddeq after the July 21 uprising. Detailed analysis of bazaaris’ claims revealed the rivalry between the SMGA, which accounted for the middle and lower levels of the bazaar and dealt with domestic industries, and the Union of Guilds and the Chamber of Commerce, which consisted of the wealthy merchants, traders, and industrialists. This rivalry was caused by the Pahlavi monarchy’s economic policies and the influence of the world capitalist system after World War II. The focal point of strife within the oil nationalization movement was not religious; rather, it revolved around people’s “national rights” to access national resources and politics, in which bazaaris played an essential role.
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  • Yutaka TAKAOKA, Shingo HAMANAKA, Masaki MIZOBUCHI
    Article type: Article
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 35-58
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The paper considers the experiences and the perceptions of the Lebanese toward cross-border movement and explains its effects on contemporary Lebanese politics and societies. To this end, we analyzed the results of “Middle East Opinion Poll (Lebanon 2010),” which was conducted by the Beirut Center for Research and Information (BCRI) in May and June 2010. There are some widespread stereotyped images about the Lebanese; for example, they are cosmopolitan, multilingual, and business-oriented, and tend to be entrepreneurial. These images have led the Lebanese to be commonly known as the “New Phoenicians” or a typical case of “Trade Diasporas.” However, the credibility of these images has not necessarily been verified. In this paper, therefore, we attempted to verify the stereotyped image that all the Lebanese are cosmopolitan, by scientific methods and rethought conventional wisdom. The result suggests that all the Lebanese and Lebanese emigrants not necessarily embody the stereotyped images of “New Phoenicians” and “Trade Diasporas,” and there is room for further research on the patterns of cross-border movement of the Lebanese.
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  • Sayaka NAKANO
    Article type: Article
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 59-98
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this article, I will focus on 97 singers whose biographies are recorded in Kitāb al-Aghānī, written by Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī. The aim is to analyze the parent-child and teacher-student relationships between the singers and the way in which the singers were connected with the courts of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. In the first chapter, I will analyze the 97 singers appearing in the book according to the periods during which they lived and the social status they had, with reference to a list of the singers. Subsequently, I will attempt to identify a large faction of professional singers existing among the 97 singers. In the second chapter, I will analyze how this large group of singers was connected with the courts of the Umayyad dynasty and the Abbasid dynasty. Through this analysis, I would like to make clear the social role the singers took on and also the cultural continuity between the Umayyad court and the Abbasid court. In the third chapter, I will focus on 100 Songs, that were selected from those sung in the Abbasid court. Those songs were applied by the author, Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, as the first criteria in selecting songs for Kitāb al-Aghānī. Here, it should be noted that 100 Songs includes lyrics written by singers whose individual biographies and anecdotes are not recorded in the book. A comparison between such “anonymous” singers and the large faction of major singers whose information is recorded in the book in detail will reveal the way in which people from the ninth century through the tenth century adopted and rejected information concerning the court.
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  • Makoto IMAI
    Article type: Article
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 99-123
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this article is to clarify the implications of nominal consensus building between authoritarian rulers and the opposition parties under authoritarian single party dominance. Under authoritarian regimes, wherein a multiparty system has been adopted or the opposition parties have been at least substantially accepted, some rulers can convene a special forum for building a consensus with the (at least some) opposition parties to discuss on important political issues such as constitutional amendments. Why is it? Based on the cases of the “National Dialogue” in the Middle East, this article attempts to clarify the backgrounds, rulers’ willingness, categories, political effects, and theoretical significances of the nominal consensus building. These temporary, special forums can take different shapes and have different effects. The difference of size (small/large) can affect the effectiveness of rulers’ “divide and rule” strategy. The difference of period (short/long) can affect the attainability of rulers’ intended purposes. The “Sub-Committee” about the constitutional amendments in Egypt in 2007 was a case of a small and short-term meeting. The meeting helped “divide and rule” and made an intended effect of the stable conduct of proceedings. On the contrary, the “National Dialogue” about the amended electoral law in Yemen after 2007 was a case of a larger and long-term meeting. The meeting fostered unity within opposition parties and resulted in an unintended consequence, namely, the postponement of policy concessions.
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  • Shizuka IMAI
    Article type: Article
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 125-148
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper aims to describe Jordan’s trade-related interaction with Iraq and its economic and social development from the 1970s to the 1980s. It views Jordan’s state of affairs from an empirical aspect on the basis of its recent internal and external situations, including its diverse relationship with Iraq existing since that period. The first section shows the actual condition of Jordan’s trade with Iraq from 1976 to 1990. The second section analyzes the development plans formulated by the Jordanian government aiming to reconstruct the economic and social structure of the East Bank after the occupation of the West Bank by the Israeli Army in 1967. Moreover, this section discusses the financial support provided by the Iraqi government for the improvement of the Aqaba Port and the highways connecting Aqaba and central Jordan or the Iraqi border. Finally, the third section explicates the development of the Aqaba port and the transformation of South Jordan. Through these discussions, this paper concludes the following points. Jordan succeeded in not only receiving aid but also in building substantial relations with Iraq through trade; this was the reason for maintaining relations with Iraq after the decline of financial support by Iraq. The influence of this relationship was also witnessed in Jordan’s domestic economy and society; and the transformation of South Jordan was brought about by not only large investments in ports and roads but also the incorporation of a transport system including Iraq.
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  • Yukie KUBO
    Article type: Book Review
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 149-151
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Masamichi IWASAKA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 153-157
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Kenji KURODA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 159-163
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Yo NONAKA
    Article type: Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies
    2012 Volume 28 Issue 1 Pages 165-169
    Published: July 15, 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: March 30, 2018
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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