Abū al-Qāsem Lāhūtī (1887-1957) is known as a progressive nationalist poet of early 20th-century Iran. He is also famous as a major of the Iranian Gendarmerie who led the insurrection at Tabriz in 1922, and as a major contributor to Tajik literature after 1924.

This study examines the transition in Lāhūtī’s poetical language before 1922. Though his militant nationalistic tendencies can be observed in most of his poems, his expression varies. In analyzing the changing feature of his poems, this study portrays the different stages of Lāhūtī’s life, and reveals the relation between his poetic expression and the socio-political circumstances under which his poems appeared.

From the viewpoint of poetic language, Lāhūtī was well conscious of the effect that his vivid and realistic expressions would have on his contemporary comrades, and that his traditional allegories would conceal their political meaning from the censoring authorities. It explains why the poems that he composed in Istanbul differ from his earlier, or later, more realistic works.

Another important feature of his poems is the element of struggle and conflict. One of his characteristic techniques is “monāzere,” a debating form of Arabic-Persian poetry. He often uses natural, colloquial language in other poems as well, which reinforces the realistic, vivid feature of his poetic expression.

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Due to the ongoing conflict, most Syrian refugees have fled to countries that neighbor Syria and the governments of these developing countries are now the principal entities for implementing Syrian refugee policies. These policies accommodate refugees in camps or provide refugees with residency in urban areas but impose severe restrictions on their employment. Betts and Collier, professors at the University of Oxford, UK, are advocating a new approach that allows refugees to work in special economic zones. The approach is revolutionary in terms of refugee policies because it contributes to the idea of the host country as an economic entity rather than simply a recipient of humanitarian assistance. However, to implement this policy approach for Syrian refugees in Jordan, it would be essential to determine their potential as a workforce. According to the public opinion survey we conducted, the level of education and foreign language proficiency of Syrian refugees residing in Jordan is low compared to Palestinians with Jordanian citizenship or Syrians who remained in their country. Subsequently, the processes of educating and training people whose capacity is lower than the citizens of the host country and converting them into a workforce are inconvenient facts.

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The experience and attitudes of migrants toward migration vary according to their new locations. If it were the case that Syrian migrants or refugees were powerlessly pushed or moved blindly by the conflict, any patterns in the diversity of their perspective would be difficult to explain. This article aims therefore to reveal the reasons for such trends. To this end, we rely on findings from surveys and field research in the relevant countries.

The study relayed on a total of five opinion surveys which were administered between 2014 and 2017. Three surveys focusing on Arab migrants/refugees were administered in Jordan, Sweden, and Turkey, respectively. Two surveys were conducted in Syria. Additionally, dozens of interviews with Syrian and Arab migrants/refugees were conducted in Jordan and Sweden.

Resources, political considerations, and personal initiative led Syrians to their choices to migrate or stay in Syria. These factors are reflected in their diverse experiences, attitudes, and consciousness of migration/refuge and cross-border journeys, as well as in their choices of destination. In this context, Syrians affected by the conflict are not always vulnerable or powerless and, to a certain extent, they chose their destinations.

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Turkey, one of the neighboring countries of Syria, has been deeply involved in both conflict and refugee problems. The Justice and Development Party (AKP), which currently runs the government of Turkey, has regarded the Syrian conflict and refugees as extensions of the Kurdish problem in Turkey. Therefore, the government’s policies on these issues reflect its policies toward the Kurdish-based political parties and movements.

Today, the AKP government virtually excludes Kurdish-based political parties and movements. However, at the beginning, the AKP government attempted to include such political parties and movements through “democratic opening” and “solution process” policies. After the Dolmabahçe agreement, announced at the end of February 2015, was abolished by President Erdoğan and the AKP government, they adopted an exclusion policy toward these parties and movements. That being the case, why did Erdoğan and the AKP government abandon the Dolmabahçe agreement? By answering this question, this paper reveals the border between political inclusion and exclusion in Turkey, the factors that influence the crossing of this border, and its relevant background. With this regard, I conclude that a view of the nation by the government and the change in political structure, especially the civil-military relations, constitute the essential background, and obtaining votes for the victory in elections is an important motivation for crossing the border between inclusion and exclusion. Moreover, this conclusion implies that the AKP government opted for a military measure and the exclusion policy on the Syrian conflict and refugees.

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Many Syrian refugees decided to stay in Turkey even though the Turkish government did not provide them with citizenship. Their status in Turkey today is one of “temporary protection.” According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) 2015, Turkey is ranked worst in terms of its migration policy out of 38 countries. This paper attempts to clarify the factors causing Syrian refugees in Turkey to choose Turkey as a final destination by using data from public opinion surveys conducted in Turkey. This study focuses on the areas of education, good income, and kinship and friendship. As a conclusion, this paper shows the reason for choosing Turkey as a final destination depends not on the realities of life in Turkey, but on the expectations of Syrian refugees. This tendency is strong among Syrians with lower education.

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The rural society of modern Egypt was drastically transformed in the background of the transfer of irrigation system from the basin irrigation to the perennial irrigation. The paper aims to examine its impact of the transfer of irrigation system on the rural society of modern Egypt, focusing an interesting geographical feature, that is “dead river” (baḥr mayyit), which signifies a huge stagnant water in the shape of river. The “dead river,” with which the paper is concerned, is the ancient Baghur Canal. It flowed from a head (fam) of the Damietta branch near to Bir al-Shamus Village in Menufiya Governorate, and go to the Buhayra Governorate through the central Delta region between the two branches of the Nile. In the middle of 19th century, it was cut by Menuf Canal, which was constructed as one of the main canal (rayyāḥ) for the perennial irrigation. The cutting of the ancient Baghur Canal by Menuf Canal made a part of the ancient Baghur Canal “dead river” on one hand, and caused the lack of water for irrigation of the lands on the west side of the Nile on the other. It was because the new and present Baghur Canal, which started from the head on the west shore of Menuf Canal in Kafr al-Ghonameya Village, was newly constructed instead of the ancient Baghur Canal.

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In previous studies on Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 1240), compared to the ontological and cosmological aspects of his thoughts, which were made more sophisticated by his followers, the thinkers of the “Akbarian tradition,” his psychological doctrine, which is one of the main tenets of the Sufis before him, has not yet been sufficiently analyzed. In his psychology, the concept of the “spirit” (rūḥ), which is a popular word used to denote the human soul, is less studied. Previous studies tended to recognize his doctrine of the spirit as one of the elements composing his cosmology, which describes the spirit as the “governor of cosmos” or “life of cosmos.” The spirit as the concept of mystical psychology has not been sufficiently researched. Analyzing the mystical aspect of the concept of the spirit in Ibn ‘Arabī’s thoughts, I point out that he does not only discuss the static position of the spirit in the cosmic order but also evaluates the role of the spirit in the dynamic process of the mystical path. Previous studies seem to not only place too much emphasis on the later development of his thoughts but also have a preconception, based on this historical fact, about the aspects of his thoughts that have a connection to previous ideologies. My consideration of the above suggests a need to reexamine his doctrines about the main tenets of the preceding Sufis.

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