This article focuses on Hadith scholars who called themselves Aṣḥāb or Ahl al-Ḥadīth and connected to a scholarly line originating in tenth-century Khurāsān. They spread across West Asia from the latter half of the tenth century to the first half of the thirteenth century and wrote many works discussing various matters by using Hadith in a particular style to repeat several citations, which transmitted identical matns (body of tradition) with different isnāds (list of trasmitters). This article first summarizes their historical outlines and defines their ideological tendency and academic interest. Then it clarifies that the style of repetition aimed to demonstrate the authenticity of the Hadiths according to the concept of mashhūr (well known) or mutawātir (widespread), through an analysis of description of the Isfahan’s virtue in the History of Isfahan by Abū Nu‘aym. Finally, the article observes that the Aṣḥāb al-Ḥadīth frequently used the style of repetition from the eleventh century to the first half of the thirteenth century but have seldom used it since the mid-thirteenth century, when criticism on mutawātir grew. Through these discussions, this article describes how Hadith scholars used Hadiths and their theories and knowledge in their scholarly practices.

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This article explores the value of a voluminous and important biographical dictionary of Sufism, the Ornament of Saints and the Generations of the Pure (Ḥilyat al-Awliyā’ wa Ṭabaqāt al-Aṣfiyā’), by the famous Persian Sufi and Hadith scholar Abū Nu‘aym al-Iṣbahānī (d. 430/1038), as a source for information about slavery in medieval Islamic civilization. The article reviews prevalent theories about Abū Nu‘aym’s scholarly leanings and offers some correctives, then discusses the place of the idiom of slavery in the Near Eastern tradition of monotheism, philosophy and mysticism. It places the Islamic Sufi tradition, exemplified by the Ḥilya, in this context. Finally, the article explores the unique information provided in the Ḥilya on how both the mundane realities of slavery and its spiritual dimensions were understood in the centuries leading up to Abū Nu‘aym’s career.

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This article concerns the Sufi debate in Ottoman Istanbul during the Ḳadızâde period in the seventeenth century. The purpose of this study is to examine Sufi Hadith usage during this period. For this purpose, it analyzes al-Ṭarīqa al-Muḥammadīya (Muhammandan Way) of a sixteenth century thinker, Mehmed Birgivî (d. 1573). “The Muhammadan Way” was the ideological foundation of the Ḳadızâde movement. Birgivî’s purpose is that in theology, ethics, and morality, Sufi practices must strictly follow the Prophet’s practices. His work consists mostly of quotations from Hadiths, and he never discusses the spiritual dimension when it comes to Sufism. On the other hand, pro-Sufi scholar Ismâ’îl Anḳaravî (d. 1631) says in his Forty Hadiths that the practice of the Mevlevī Order does not contradict the Prophet’s practice by quoting and interpreting Hadiths. He argued that the ideology and practice of the Mevlevī Tariqa is the manifestation of “the Muhammadan Way.” Birgivî’s “Muhammadan Way” has a broad view of society as a whole, and corruption is solved by reviving the Prophet’s Sunna with Sufi morality. While Anḳaravî also relies on the Hadith as a source of inspiration, he advocated that the Mevlevī Tariqa is the one that is suited to “the Muhammadan Way.” Their interpretations of the Hadith and “the Muhammadan Way” differed according to their interests, and the Ḳadızâde movement era was a time when thinkers debated “the Muhammadan Way” amid the Sufi controversy.

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The first three Hijrī centuries corresponded to a period when the Islamic sciences were not clearly separated from one another. During these centuries, one of the basic factors in the formation of the Islamic sciences was undoubtedly a narrative phenomenon. The concept of narrative report—believed to be unique to Hadith science—has an important place in the Islamic sciences, such as fiqh, history, Arabic language, and tafsīr. There was a mutual methodological influence in the fields of Hadith and the study of Arabic language and poetry, particularly in how the attribution and transmission of narrative reports was assessed and how the authority of a poet to define style or usage was determined. In fact, the concept of narrative report is based on an older history than Hadith in the Arabic language, especially in the context of poetry. However, with the establishment and development of the isnād system in the science of Hadith, the reliability of the information transmitted in the Arabic language was questioned. These narratives were transferred within a framework. This study indicates that the theoretical effect of Hadith on the narrative reports in the science of Arabic language should be explored in the context of the concept of ṭabaqa (generation) and the criteria of criticism about poets. Therefore, the need for trust in narrative reports constitutes a similar need in all Islamic sciences. For this reason, the two main questions of the study are as follows: (1) was there a systematic narrative concept among the Arabic language sources?; and (2) according to Arabic language science, what were the narrative concepts and their definitions? This study will examine biographical books written in the first three Hijrī centuries to answer these questions that have not been explored before.

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The Alevis, a Muslim minority group in Turkey, have been marginalized as “non-believers” and “atheists” by the Sunni majority. Following a long period of political turmoil that involved discrimination and massacres, Alevilik were considered taboo in Turkish society. However, the 1990s brought about a turning point: more people publicly identified as Alevis and thus became more visible in the Turkish public sphere. The cemevis, or centers for their religious activities, increased at this time and today continue to provide services to those seeking an Alevi way of life. This process of increased visibility, called the “Alevi revival,” received a great deal of scholarly attention. However, some of the younger generation born after the beginning of the “Alevi revival” see such rituals as anachronistic and are hesitant to identify themselves as Alevis. Some studies have shown the reformulation of Alevilik as a “faith” through the process of cemevis becoming the counterpart of mosques. Others have emphasized the importance of self-identifying as being of Alevi lineage. Since such studies have focused on the foregrounded Aleviness, it is still unclear how the younger generation has come to terms with their Alevi origins. This study aims to shed light on the struggles of the younger generation by focusing on the ambiguity of the term Alevilik. It concludes that the “Alevi revival,” which supposedly enabled more people to identify as Alevis, also generated new forms of silence by emphasizing the religious aspects of Alevilik.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify some Islamic issues that have been raised with regard to halal cosmetics. Additionally, the meaning of “halal” as it pertains to halal cosmetics is highlighted. Halal products must now be recognized as indicators of cleanliness, safety, purity, and quality, and, in particular, elegance and high class, especially in the case of halal cosmetics. There are two characteristics to consider in the consumption of halal cosmetics. Muslims’ purchasing behavior of halal cosmetics shows their piety as well as ethics related to consideration for sustainable systems and practices. In addition, it shows their class and who can afford comparatively expensive commodities. According to the investigation into the example of breathable halal nail polish, I conclude that there are three points in halalness that are represented in halal cosmetics. First, halal cosmetics do not signify religious visibility because they are also targeted at ethical non-Muslim consumers. Second, the use of halal cosmetics always accompanies the lawfulness of wearing make-up because the type of makeup worn is an Islamic concern involving women’s modesty. Third, some halal certified products, such as nail polish, do not affirm Islamic practices. Thus, the halalness of halal cosmetics depends on “how much,” “to whom,” and “how” the products are consumed. Halal cosmetics allow Muslim women to enhance their beauty while observing the Islamic practices that they follow. Thus, Muslim identity is reconstructed through commodities and consumption practices.

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