アラビア語の動詞派生形IV形は、本来使役的機能を有するが、同機能を有さないIV形も在証される。本稿では、このような非使役的IV形（non-causative C-form）の機能について、主としてコーランから例を引きながら考察し、同形式が開始相（inchoative）という局相アスペクトを表現する形式であることを立証する

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In dieser Abhandlung biete ich eine Schilderung und Analyse des Heiligenkultus in Jordanien dar, uber den es kaum volkerkundliche Literatur gibt. Dies fuhrte mich an fangs zu der Vermutung, daβ der Heiligenkultus in Jordanien nur schwach entwickelt oder ganz abwesend sei. Wahrend volkerkundlicher Forschungen im nordjordanischen Dorf Kufr Yuba fand ich jedoch, daβ die Dorfbewohner gelegentlich die Heiligenschreine besuchen. Fast alle Heiligen, die Schreine in Jordanien haben, sind Gefahrten (al-Sahaba) des Propheten Muhammad. In Kapitel II beschreibe ich jene Heiligenschreine, welche die Bevolkerung von Kufr Yuba besucht. Auf der volkerkundliche Forschung in Kufr Yuba und anderen Gebieten beruhend, beschreibe ich in Kapitel III die Haufigkeit dieser Besuche. Solche Besuche sind nicht immer geplant. Obgleich der Heiligenkultus in Jordanien existiert nur in dem Sinne, daβ es verstorbene Personen gibt, die Leute als heilig ansehen und deren Schreine sie gelegentlich besuchen, konnen wir nicht sagen, daβ er dort stark entwickelt ist. In Kapitel IV wird der geschichtliche Hintergrund des Heiligenkultus in Jordanien analysiert. Die Schwache des Heiligenkultus in Jordanien wird mit Beziehung auf die Schwache des Sufismus erklart. Geschichtlich war Jordanien auβerhalb des Gebietes der Gedanken und Praxis des Sufismus, keiner der ursprunglichen Sufiorden wurde im Lande gegrundet. In Jordanien wurden alle Sufiorden erst kurzlich gegrundet, das heiβt, nach 1940, und keiner ist je einfluβreich gewesen. Hinsichtlich der Beziehung zwischen der Religionsbehorde und dem Heiligenkultus in Jordanien, gibt es kaum Konflikte. Alle Heiligenschreine in Jordanien sind unter vollstandigen Regierungskontrolle, und die Besuche in den Schreinen werden offiziell gefordert.

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La population des Druzes compte actuellement environ 530,000 personnes reparties entre la Syrie, le Liban et Israel, et s'eparpillant jusqu'en Jordanie. En Syrie, les Druzes sont a peu pres 260,000, ce qui signifie que presque la moitie de la population druze se trouve en Syrie, et surtout au Jabal ad-Druze. Elle ne represente toutefois que 3% de la population totale syrienne. On peut done dire que cette communaute confessionnelle est peu nombreuse. La population druze, bien que tres minoritaire en Syrie, a cependant assume un role important dans l'histoire moderne syrienne. Par exemple, la lutte centre l'ocupation francaise de 1925 a 1926, qui a ete a l'origine de "La Grande Revolution Syrienne". Et on ne peut pas non plus negliger les mouvements de resistance contre les dictateurs, lances par les Druzes a l'epoque des bouleversements politiques apres l'independance. Cependant, les etudes concernant les Druzes en Syrie, a la difference de celles concernant les communautes druzes du Liban ou d'Israel, restent peu nombreuses et peu systematiques. Cet article se propose d'ebaucher une analyse et d'apporter des precisions sur l'histoire et la societe druze en Syrie. Tout d'abord, sur le plan historique, le developpement de la communaute des Druzes est du aux migrations en provenance du Liban en particulier, migrations dont les causes etaient essentiellement politiques. Ce developpement de la societe druze en Syrie a donne lieu a des changements politiques et sociaux importants, en particulier, au Liban et en Syrie. Sur le plan sociologique, leur communaute presente un morcellement hierarchique particulier fonde sur une ideologie religieuse, formulee par les "Majlis" et les "Mazars" et renforcee par une pensee comme celle de "Taqammus". Il n'existe pas a notre connaissance d'etude realisee sur la communaute druze qui traite specifiquement de la Syrie, ni d'etude comparant les communautes entre elles. Le travail a realiser est donc du domaine du defrichage et il serait souhaitable que des recherches se multiplient qui eclairent de point de vue varies un domaine de recherche quasiment inexplore. [figure]

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Early in the reign of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun, Abu al-Saraya rose in rebellion at Kufa and so did Muhammad al-Dibaj at Mecca. Three men of the Hasanids, the Zaydid branch, and the family of Ja'far al-Sadiq, which had been playing a leading role in the Shi'ite movements over a period of the 'Umayyads and the 'Abbasids, were put up for an Imam. Moreover, thirty members or so of the 'Alids were involved in such rebellion, We can find kin to them in martyrs in the revolts of Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiya and Husayn Sahib Fakhkh. Therefore we can assume that their notion of blood revenge was a great driving force to the rebellion. This explains why Muhammad b.Ibrahim Tabataba belonging to the Hasanids, which had the most martyrs in the Shi'ite revolts, was first elected to be a leader. The heads of the 'Alids took charge of the lands called sadaqat amir al-mu'minln 'Ali or sadaqat al-nabi and took under their protection the weak of their family.They had influence upon the 'Alids economically. The fact that Husayn Sahib Fakhkh, Muhammad b. Ibrahim, and Muhammad al-Dibaj, leaders of the Shi'ite revolts, were in debt and sometimes demanded gifts from the caliph indicates their important roles in the 'Alid family. Taking these into consideration, the dignity of the rightful religious Imam which was based on explicit designation must be, in effect, viewed in terms of inheritance of property. The death of Ja'far al-Sadiq, who was also deeply learned, was followed by a dispute among his sons about the succession of his estate. And late in the reign of the caliph al-Rashid, there was a movement on foot to persecute the Shi'ite sectarians. We should therefore consider that in such trends the political and economical leadership of Muhammad al-Dibaj was less influential. Aiming at accession to the throne in 200(815), Muhammad al-Dibaj, who subsequently was to uprise at Makka,cooperated with insurgent troops of Kufa. In the reign of the 'Umayyads, Mukhtar,who revolted at Kufa, failed to win broad support from the 'Alids; however Abu al-Saraya put up a member of the Zaydid branch for Imam at Kufa, so that he succeeded in gaining the support from scholars of the Zaydiya and the citizens. Many of the devoted partisans of the Zaydiya participated continually in the 'Alid rebellions in the early reign of the 'Abbasids without adhering too close to the descendants of Zayd b.'Ali. This is because many of them were under surveillance of the 'Abbasids or remained in concealment. If we direct our attention to the underground movements of the Zaydiya, blood revenge of the 'Alids, and their claim to the caliphate, we may be allowed to regard a series of the Shi'ite rebellions as continual movements. Many Shi'ite elements we can recognize in the rebellion in the reign of the caliph al-Ma'mun help us to understand the next Shi'ite course. It can be thought that this rebellion, in consequence, materialized al-Ma'mun's nomination of 'Ali al-Rida as wali 'ahd and brought into being the authority of the Zaydiya in Daylam and Yemen in the ninth century.

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The present paper deals with the new trends among Turkish researchers on the Modern History of Turkey. Sukru Hanioglu has succeeded in using archival sources in the studies of history of thought. Zafer Toprak has researched into Ottoman periodicals which had been regarded as materials for the studies of literature; Toprak's field of specialization is socio-economic history. In this field, some other researchers such as Sevket Pamuk, Ilhan Tekeli and Selim Ilkin have also been presenting valuable works. Cem Behar has published some interesting books on the Turkish classic music by analyzing Ottoman historical sources.

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