This paper analyzes the core essences of social media in Vietnam in the era of Facebook prominence, from 2013 to the establishment of the Cyber Security Law in June 2018. With the growth of social media, unprecedented opposition forces have emerged on social media and challenged the political structures of the single-party country. This paper juxtaposes social media and journalism in Vietnamese political and cultural contexts. First, it indicates a sharp contrast between social media and journalism in six perspectives: function, content, the concept of freedom, content generators, legal framework, and cost. Second, it discusses the differences between traditional Vietnamese social power structures and social media, focusing on the characteristics of religions in Vietnam, the Power Distance Index, and the theories of high and low-context communication. The paper concludes that the essences of social media undermine the existent structures of journalism and social power by creating a space for public criticism and activism to challenge the government. Many opposition groups have been formed and institutionalized on social media, resulting in pluralism in Vietnamese politics and society. The analysis of Tôi và sứ quán (Embassies and Me) Facebook Page provides examples to clarify the differences between social media, and journalism and social power structures in Vietnam, as well as the institutionalization of the opposition groups on Facebook.

Japan’s hosting of the 2020 Summer Olympics and Summer Paralympics is bringing the attention of global media and the world more than the country has experienced since the economic bubble years of the last century. NHK, Japan’s quasi-official broadcaster, is ratcheting up its world service in advance of this international spotlight, which is consequently bringing more attention to the country’s low press freedom ranking, last among the Group of Seven industrialized nations, and 67 among 180 nations and regions, according to Reporters Without Borders. This ranking places Japan above Lesotho and below El Salvador. The Shinzo Abe administration and other government officials are often at odds with press coverage that is critical of the government, reinforced by no public debate on the 2013 state secrets protection law and a unilateral cabinet decision in 2014 to change the pacifist nature of the Constitution of Japan. This chapter will explore the press and politics environment of modern Japan, specifically NHK’s role as an enabler network to the needs and whims of the government. Finally, it will underscore the challenges faced by the Abe administration’s global nation branding efforts against the backdrop of international attention and criticism of Japan’s press-government relations.

This study analyzed Chinese audiences’ motivations for viewing Japanese animation and the satisfaction they experienced after the viewing experience. It also examines the influence of cultural proximity and genre familiarity on viewing motivation and satisfaction. A hundred and sixty—two individuals who lived in China and actively watched Japanese animation were sampled. The results of the factor analysis showed that cultural proximity to Japan comprised three factors, including “fondness for Japan”, “fondness for Japanese lifestyle”, and “in favor of Japanese values”. Genre familiarity with Japanese animation comprised two factors: “familiarity with Japanese animation themes” and "familiarity with Japanese animation style”. Four motives for watching Japanese animation were “in order to discover something”, “customary pastimes”, “interest in the content of Japanese animation” and “desire for interpersonal interaction”. Two positive outcomes of watching Japanese animation were “deriving satisfaction from their enjoyment of it” and “acquiring a better understanding of Japanese culture”.

The results also showed that cultural proximity with Japan and genre familiarity with Japanese animation largely influenced diverse viewing motivations and different satisfaction levels. This study also found that the motivation to Japanese animation was related to the satisfaction felt after the viewing experience. To summarize, this study can supply basic but significant insights into, and thus enhance our understanding of the popularity of Japanese animation in China.

In today's democratic society, public opinion is recognized as an "object of worship." Political elites such as politicians and bureaucrats want to grasp the trends of public opinion, and will sometimes try to control it. Meanwhile, the (mass) media conducts public opinion polls, interprets them, and reports both their results and interpretation. The mass media has become an influential actor in the political process.

In this paper, I will examine the concept of public opinion from a constructionist perspective. I present the view that public opinion is constructed by public opinion polls and their reports. These perspectives may not be new, but I would like to ask whether mass media can construct public opinion exclusively in the modern media environment.

Based on this question, we will analyze the public opinion reports on the 48th House of Representatives election in 2017. The Asahi Shimbun and other mass media outlets questioned the election’s legitimacy; they questioned whether the election results should be taken as public opinion and they presented "real public opinion" through their own opinion polls and critically commented on the election results.

However, these newspaper’ activities were criticized on the Internet. From a constructionist perspective, opinion has often been criticized as being constructed exclusively and predominantly by mass media. However, the opposite is evident in this case. Should we not consider that constructing public opinion will be increasingly difficult in the coming years?

This study focuses on Chinese young people and examines their information behavior and its effects. This study is based on the results of a questionnaire survey conducted by several universities in seven regions of mainland China in 2012 . Following an examination of the status of media use and the results of “Lifestyle-value Test” and analyzing the correlation between the two, the study further explores the effects of daily media use on the international orientation, the evaluation of the government, and the life satisfaction of young Chinese.

The results revealed that Chinese youth’s media use is mostly concentrated in online media. Specifically, the usage rates of instant messaging, social networking sites (SNS), and video sites were significantly higher than those of other media. The use of traditional paper media, such as newspapers and magazines, and broadcasting was relatively low. There was no significant difference in daily media usage rates between regions. In contrast, the difference between men and women was relatively significant. Additionally, a strong association was found between the use of SNS, overseas media and international orientation, and evaluation of the government, but there was a lack of consistency in the direction of relevance to life satisfaction.

Although it cannot be established that media use has led to the formation of a specific consciousness, it can be inferred as a means of promoting the original consciousness. Media use promoted the manifestation of the youth’s attitudes and created a phenomenon in which pluralistic opinions coexist.

Since 2010, the confrontation over the Senkaku Diaoyu Islands (S/D issue) dispute has greatly worsened Japan-China relations. Under these circumstances, public opinion has exerted a great influence on the progress over this issue by exerting pressure on the home governments. Preceding a discussion on the public opinion about the S/D issue, the first question that should be answered is when and how such public opinion began to be formed. Therefore, in the present study, I would like to provide answers about the formation process of the public opinion about the S/D issue in Chinese society.

Although previous studied offered some clues for discovering the answer to this question, identifying an exact time for when the public opinion was formed is overlooked.. In light of the importance of the S/D issue for Japan-China relations and in East Asia in general, a definite understanding of this issue will have important significance in various aspects. Therefore, in the present study, I would like to explore the answer using empirical analysis and literature survey based on the theory of political communication.According to the results of the analysis, this issue was widely reported for the first time by the Chinese media in the 1970s. However, this issue began to become widely known among the Chinese general people from 1990 onwards. Among various factors, one factor leading to the formation of public opinion is noteworthy. It was a change in the media environment, in particular the appearance of television.