In Japan the ratio of newborn boys to girls is about 105 boys to 100 girls or 100 boys to 95 girls. This ratio approaches 1 to 1 with increase in age, and until World War II the attainment of this ratio of 1.00 occurred at about the age of 40 and in the ages above 40 the female population superpasses that of the male. The gradient of this predominance of the female becomes greater with advancing age.
This increase of the female in population to the male with increase in age was disturbed a little after the War, but the ratio of newborn girls to boys is almost identical with that of former days.
In 1952 and 1953 we carried on anthropological research in a remote mountain village Miomote, Niigata Prefecture and found that this sex ratio is deviated a little from that of the general population in the advanced age categories. The sex ratio (female to male) of population above 60 years there is about 0.5, namely 7 females to 13 males (see Table 1). We thought this was due to conditions of food and labour in this remote and retarded village, namely poorer food and heavier labour for women than for men. In 1956 we carried on researches in the mountain villages of Toga in Toyama Prefecture and Hinoemata in Hukusima Prefecture. These are also as remote and retarded villaes as Miomote. The results are shown in Table 1. Of these three the most retarded and remote is Miomote, the next is Toga, Hinoemata the least.
For the sake of comparison, the census figures in the three Prefectures, Niigata, Toyama and Hukusima and in all Japan are shown in Table 2.
It seems to us that the lesser ratio of the female to the male in the advanced age levels in mountain villages in comparison with those of plains villages and towns has some parallelism with their mountain village character, namely with decrease in the amount of level land and increase in the steepness of roads over which it is impossible to drive cars. The evidence is shown in Table 3 which compares census figures in Toga divided in 4 districts according to geographical conditions. Among them the worst conditions exist in Sorei, the next in Daikamba, while the best conditions exist in Toga and Momosegawa, above all Momosegawa has conditions nearly similar to those of plain districts and the sex ratio in the advanced age categories is elevated in this order.
Relatively poorer food and heavier labour have caused higher death rates among females in comparison with that of the male in the advanced age levels in mountain villages. But this does not mean earlier deaths among females in mountain villages than occur in plains villages and towns, as is shown in the column for survival in the Tables. The base of this rate is the population in the years 0-9. The true survival rate is here noncalculable, because we had no census 60-90 years ago.

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Since the material of knots is perishable and cannot be found preserved in relics or fossil forms, research in the development is very difficult.
The author has found a formula for this research and the process is as follows:
(1) To gather all varieties of knotting used by uncivillized peoples and to calculate the frequency of usage for each knotting.
(2) Next to compare the above frequency of usage (%) by two races with each other, and to get the difference (%) for each knotting.
(3) Next to arrange each knotting from smaller to larger percentages in order of algebraic difference.
The author calls the diagram gained the "sequence curve". By the above formula we can attain the sequence of development and can learn how knots have been developed.
But in the matter of determination, we must elso use as references the folloing conditions:
(1) Correspondence between the knotting material produced on the spot and varieties of knotting used.
(2) Correspondence between the figures of material applied knottings and the varieties of knotting used.
(3) The development of working techniques on material applied knottings.
Finally, the author must point out that this formula may be used in reviving the history of various kinds of material culture.

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Among the various primitive peoples of Middle-East India, we can find approximately three types of myths concerning the origin of corn, each of which has its own distribution center. The first is the Chota Nagpur plateau of southern Bihar, which is inhabited by one of the two main groups of the present Austro-asiatic peoples in India, consisting of the Santals, Mundas, Hos, Kharias, Birhors etc.. Here we find such a type of myth in which the Creator has the seed of corn beforehand and gives it to the original human couple. The omniscient and omnipotent Creator has the mythological stage to himself. The second is the southern part of Orissa, especially Koraput Districts, where we find another main group of the Austro-asiatic people, such as the Saoras, Gadabas, Bondos, Parengas etc.. Among these peoples there appears the so-called "personified corn-sisters" as a unique motif, and the Creator does not play any important role, if he does not completely disappear from the mythological stage. The third and the last center is probably in Madhya Pradesh, which is inhabited by the so-called Gond peoples. Here we meet the same "blood motif" as in some of the creation myths, particularly that of the Earth. Corn grows out from the earth covered with human blood, and here too the Creator does not seem to play such a remarkable role as in the first center. From these three centers each type of myth spread out and partially mingled with the others. Evidence of this mixture is most remarkable among such small ethnic groups as the Juangs, Kamars, Baigas etc., which are usually classified as protoagriculturists in India. Hence, in reference to the myth of the origin of corn, we can distinguish firstly the Munda peoples(in the widest sence of the term) from the Gond peoples; secondly within the former, the Chota Nagpur group is to be distinguished from the southern Orissa group and both from the proto-agriculturists, including those who speak Austro-asiatic languages.

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There are many peoples in the Peninsula of Indochina with various types of kinship systems: patrilineal, matrilineal, and bilateral. A comparative study on the kinship systems of these peoples, however, would reveal some particularity among those living in Tonkin Province, namely, the fact that the paternal rights are emphasized among all of them and almost all the peoples have the patri-clan system. The problem is why the same direction of development toward paternal rights is to be observed among all the peoples of this Province, notwithstanding they are mutually of different origins and have divergent languages and histories. As to the patri-clan systems, on the other hand, they seem to be classified into at least two types.
The late H. MASPERO, a very able historian and ethnologist, once pointed out the parallelism between the types of kinship system and those of the tonal system ('mononique' and 'variotonique') and all the peoples of Tonkin Province have 'variotonique' languages. However he did not enter into the matter deeply and moreover there still remains much to be proved concerning the correlation between kinship systems and tonal systems.
The native peoples living in the Province mentioned above are Vietnamese, Muong, Thai, Meo, Lolo, and Man, etc.. Among these the author attempts to take up the problem of the Vietnamese, who are most definitely of the patriclan system.
In addition, the author attempts to prove that their patri-clan system is derived from that of the Chinese.
As already mentioned, the author believes that there are two kinds of clan systems in Tonkin Province; the problem concerning another clan system seen in the Black Thai or Muong will be discussed in the next article contained in this volume.

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This is a study of the kinship system of the Black-Thai and the Muong in Tonkin Province. As has already been mentioned in his previous article in reference to the kinship system of Vietnamese, the author believes that the patri-clan system in this province can be classified into two types.
According to the various previous studies, the Vietnamese clan system is said to have been established under the great influence of Chinese "hoch Kultur". The author thinks, however, that among the characters of the Black-Thai clan system, there is something pre-Chinese (directly influenced by the Vietnamese) and the Black-Thai characters.
In sum, the prtri-clan system in Tonkin Province is of two types, one being the Chinese-Vietnamese type, the other being the Kachin-Lamet and Black-Thai type.

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