アジア研究
Online ISSN : 2188-2444
Print ISSN : 0044-9237
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53 巻 , 1 号
選択された号の論文の10件中1~10を表示しています
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論説
  • 保城 広至
    53 巻 (2007) 1 号 p. 1-19
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In January 1962, the UN Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE, now ESCAP) proposed to establish the Organization of Asian Economic Cooperation (OAEC) in order to promote Asian intraregional economic cooperation. However, the proposed organization was never created due to internal opposition from within the region. It has been said that the one of main opposition countries was Japan. The objective of this paper is to look at the various players in the Japanese government, and to eliminate their interests in and problems with the proposed OAEC by analyzing the foreign policy decision-making process within Japan. This approach should reveal one of factors why regional economic cooperation did not make progress in this era.
    Japan’s policy regarding the proposed OAEC was to refuse to sign the draft declaration establishing the organization, but to propose instead to convene a ministerial-level preliminary meeting to discuss economic cooperation in Asia, including the establishment of the OAEC. The Japanese government declared its full support for such a process. That is, Japan was not necessarily opposed to the proposed organization. This final decision was a compromise between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), the Ministry of Finance (MOF), and the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MOAF). MOFA wanted to make the proposed OAEC an ‘Open Asian Community,’ which would include developed countries like the United States. MOF and MOAF, however, opposed any‘ Asian Community.’ MOF was worried that Japan would increase its financial burden by extending credit to the less-developed countries in Asia. MOAF (especially its minister, Kohno Ichiro) feared damaging domestic agriculture due to the increase of intraregional trade. The domestic agriculture problem has been one of the main factors preventing the region from creating a multilateral Asian framework.
    ECAFE, together with a number of Asian countries, noted the behavior of the Japanese government, and considered the Japanese decision to refuse to sign the draft declaration as opposition to the OAEC itself, and did not try to implement the proposal. As a result of this, the proposed organization faded from the scene and remains only a historical episode.
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  • 伊藤 未帆
    53 巻 (2007) 1 号 p. 20-36
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Doi moi, which began in 1986, has influenced several aspects of Vietnamese life, including minorities. The Vietnamese government, seeing ethnic problems around the world at the end of the 1980s, reconsidered its own nation-state integration and decided to introduce some ‘multicultural’ ethnic policies. This purpose of this paper is to discern the objectives and roleof an education policy for minorities called Program No. 7, introduced by the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) between 1991 and 2000. Its aims were to reform and popularize a new schooling system, the Boarding School for Minorities (truong pho thong dan toc noi tru).
    This new schooling system followed the School for Young Ethnic People (truong thanh nien dan toc) represented by the Young Socialist Worker’s School of Hoa Binh established in 1958.The School for Young Ethnic People was a primary and secondary level ‘continuation school’ that aimed to develop low-level cadres from minority areas. Ethnic Kinh people with high-level academic backgrounds had been relocated to fill high-level cadre positions in those areas, but many could not bear the mountainous areas, owing to what they perceived as the‘ savage customs’ and the difficult languages of the minority groups. As a result, there was a shortage of qualified individuals to fill the high-level cadre positions through the end of the 1980s.
    To address this situation, the Vietnamese government and MOET decided in 1991 to introduce a new policy to train people from minority areas with high educational levels to become young cadres. The objective of Program No. 7 was to build a new system of boarding schools, offering free school expenses and monthly scholarships, throughout the minority regions of Viet Nam.
    This new system has had some negative aspects. The boarding schools were intended to send minority students to tertiary education institutions, but have not operated effectively as such because the system lacks guarantees that all graduates will progress to the next stage of education.In addition, the system for selecting enrollees has, for the first time, made inequalities in personal ability apparent among groups living in the same areas.
    Using data collected in 2004 from field research in the Chi Lang district, Lang Son province, this paper finds, however, that the system has played a positive role for the Tay and Nung people living there — namely by creating a new status for minorities. By redefining the status of ‘minority’ in the Vietnamese nation as positive, and making such groups the target ofpreferential policies, the system has helped minorities reidentify themselves. Minority children, seeing the comparatively high advancement rate of pupils who attend the boarding schools, have come to imagine themselves as having equal opportunities for academic success. Program No. 7, therefore, has smoothly integrated minority groups into the national education system.
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研究ノート
  • 五十嵐 誠一
    53 巻 (2007) 1 号 p. 37-57
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamics of the hegemonic struggles over democratization in civil society that took place during the dismantling process of the Marcos regime in the Philippines and to analyze the manner in which these struggles influenced the direction of democratization.
    The collapse of the Marcos dictatorship was a fascinating phenomenon that has aroused the curiosity of researchers. One of the reasons for this is the emergence of an overwhelming civic uprising, often known as “people power,” which finally overthrew the Marcos regime in February1986. Many analysts and researchers have tried to explain this uprising as the crystallization of civil society.
    However, a brief review of previous studies reveals that most of these have treated civil society as a homogeneous sphere or have focused only on the activities of a particular actor as a representative of the entire civil society. Little attention has been paid to the complicated dynamics of collaborations and collisions among various actors in civil society as well as their effects on the direction and content of democratization.
    Civil society is not a monolithic entity. It is the main arena in which different classes and groups struggle to assume their own hegemony. During the process of democratization, suchstruggles can be transformed into explicit contests over the nature and scope of democracy. Civil society in the Philippines was a typical case. Although it is often said that the process of democratization in the Philippines reflected the interests of the conservative and dominant class, an extensive examination of the hegemonic struggles in civil society reveal a different picture of this democratic transition.
    Section I discusses the analytical framework of this paper. Section II outlines schematically the different forces within civil society shortly after the assassination of Benigno Aquino in August1983, mainly based on ideology and class. Section III presents an empirical and descriptive analysis of the political process with particular focus on the hegemonic struggles in civil society until the collapse of the Marcos regime in February 1986.
    This paper shows that the hegemonic struggles in civil society had a significant influence on the direction of democratization and that democratization was steered in an ambivalent direction beyond the interests of the dominant class primarily due to the counter-hegemony created by radical movements in civil society.
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  • 達古拉
    53 巻 (2007) 1 号 p. 58-65
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recently, dairy farming in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in China has grown significantly. Milk production in 2004 was 4.98 million tonnes, an increase of 61.6% over 2003levels. As of June 2004, the number of dairy cows (Holstein-Friesian in particular) had reached800,000.
    It should be noted that the growth of dairy farming in Inner Mongolia is closely related to the recent rapid development of the dairy product industry in China as a whole, which has beenshowing an annual average increase of production of about 33% during the period from 1998 to2003.
    The growth of dairy farming in Inner Mongolia is at least partly a product of the Chinese government’s policies to counter poverty. The Chinese government has been addressing theproblems of poverty in China for some time and has achieved a certain measure of success. The economically disadvantaged population is concentrated in the western parts of China, and the Chinese government therefore initiated the ‘Great Western Development’ policy in 2000, and in Inner Mongolia the ‘Ecological Migration’ policy has been put into operation. The ‘Ecological Migration’ policy involves moving citizens from areas where natural conditions are quite poor to areas with better conditions, and encouraging them to embark on autonomous farm management.The main purposes of this policy include helping the population to escape from poverty, improvement of ecological systems, and preservation of the environment, i.e. the policy is aimed at improving both the environment and people’s livelihoods.
    Given the local resources and the progress of leading dairy product enterprises in Inner Mongolia, the strategy of escaping from poverty through dairy farming under the ‘Ecological Migration’ policy has become very popular.
    Based on the above, this study analyzes the profitability of dairy farming management under the ‘Ecological Migration’ policy to elucidate the existing issues, and examines whether the improvement of ecological systems, preservation of environment and escape from poverty, which are the main purposes of this policy, are feasible.
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  • 水上 祐二
    53 巻 (2007) 1 号 p. 66-78
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The major cities in Southeast Asia have been greatly affected by the phenomenon of overurbanization, a result of rapid industrialization stemming from a surge in foreign direct investment starting in the 1980s. Despite an increase in labor demand in the modern industrial sector, the labor market in these Asian cities still continues to involve finding employment in an informal sector of small and independent businesses.
    The urban informal sector (UIS) has traditionally been interpreted as that part of the labor force not employed in the modern industrial sector. The existence of the UIS has been explained by external factors such as rural–urban labor migration. Citing the example of Thai stall keepers, this paper in contrast ascribes the continued existence of the UIS to internal factors including socio-economic conditions such as income.
    The paper’s author independently conducted an interview survey of stall keepers at five locations in Bangkok (Victory Monument, Pratunam, Wongwian Yai, Huai Khwang, andRamkhamhaeng) between August and September 2003. The survey sample consisted of a total of 115 individuals.
    According to this survey, the main characteristics of these stall keepers were that many were native to the city, and the younger generation in their 20s had a relatively high level of education.The average income of stall keepers was about 16,000 baht per month: this is higher than both the private average wage for Bangkok (9,500 baht) and the average income for Bangkok(10,000 baht). Analysis of the income distribution of stall keepers indicates a mixture of lowerincome earners (making less than 8,000 baht/month) and higher-income earners (making over30,000 baht/month).
    Factors determining the income of stall keepers were also analyzed. Income was not correlated with length of time in business, age, business hours, and amount of investment. The onlycorrelation in these data was between income and level of education.
    This analysis indicates that: (1) stall keepers have a relatively level of high income, and the ability to earn such a high income is a factor that perpetuates the UIS; and (2) stall keepers’ incomes are correlated to their level of education. Being able to earn a high income through ability facilitated by education is a reason why even highly educated people become stall keepers.This is a factor for individuals finding employment in the UIS regardless of whether the level of education in Thailand rises or the trend to obtaining higher academic credentials progresses.
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