The idea that pandas are the “national symbol” of China is no more than a historically invented notion. However, even within international politics today, debates concerning whether or not these animals are “Chinese” have arisen as a political issue through their connection with the so-called “Taiwan problem” or “Tibet problem”. How is it that pandas have become embroiled in such political controversy, despite not being regarded as important for international politics from a realist perspective? In answering this question, it might be meaningful to reconsider what factors have made the Chinese state legitimate within international society. Therefore, in this article I have tried to reveal how pandas have become a Chinese national symbol, referring to the official archives of the Republic of China opened on Taipei, Nanjing, Chongqing and Chengdu. The Central Propaganda Department of the Chinese Nationalist Party first presented pandas to the USA as a part of its “propaganda diplomacy” in 1941, when this animal first became a symbol of friendship between the two countries. This paper reveals that the Nationalist regime used this “panda diplomacy” to forge friendly relations with the USA, while at the same time as attempting to show the “civilized” nature of the Chinese state. Before then, the Chinese government had taken little interest in pandas. This paper also points out that such “panda diplomacy” had been initiated between 1928 and 1949 in the following four historical contexts: (i) the rising significance of the south-west region for the Nationalist regime in the War of Resistance Against Japan; (ii) the rising consciousness of sovereignty in China that insisted that natural resources, including pandas, must be controlled by the Chinese themselves; (iii) the adaptation to the idea of animal protection which had become a criterion of civilized countries; (iv) the demand for widespread support from the US people under wartime diplomacy. In conclusion, I would like to stress that the process by which pandas became a national symbol was nothing more than a process involving China’s adaptation to international society, in which the handling of these animals had the potential of constituting a factor in China’s “external legitimacy”. I believe that this situation is still relevant in regards to the legitimacy of the Chinese state in contemporary East Asia.
In 1946, a disagreement over collaboration during the Japanese occupation emerged within the Nacionalista party in the Philippines. As a result of this disagreement, the Nacionalista party, which had maintained a dominant position in the party system for more than 30 years under US colonial rule, divided into the Liberal Party and the Nacionalista Party. The two major parties thereafter opposed each other over various issues and competed for the presidency and control of Congress until the declaration of martial law in 1972. How did the change from a predominantly single-party system to a two-major-party system occur, what changes appeared in the party system in the 1940s and 1950s, and what was the difference in the two parties’ policy orientation? Previous literature on Philippine politics has failed even to pose these questions because of the emphasis on socioeconomic structure, social cleavage, or electoral institutions which tend to stress domestic structural factors and continuity of the politics. This paper focuses on how the political cleavage emerged and its relationship to policy processes when national debates occurred. It also explores how this political cleavage transformed under the two-major-party system. The policy processes in two cases deserve close examination. The first case is the policy process over the Bell Trade Act that would determine Philippine–US economic relations, and about which the two major parties clashed. The ruling Liberal Party contended that the Bell Trade Act was beneficial, because the Act would guarantee economic benefits derived from the special relationship with the US, while the opposition Nacionalista Party favored economic nationalism and claimed the Act infringed political independence. The second case concerns the development of policy for restoration of social order in the Central Luzon area. The two major parties understood the social disorder in the context of the Cold War and therefore agreed that resolution was essential, but each condemned the other’s strategy: the Liberal party blamed the Nacionalista Party for its presumed link with the militant left, while the Nacionalista Party denounced the Liberal Party for not bringing peace to the area. By focusing on political cleavage, this paper sheds new light on the significance of policy process in understanding Philippine politics.
This paper empirically examines married women’s labor supply in urban China. It uses data from the 1995 and 2002 Chinese Urban Household Income Project Surveys. The main results are as follows. First, married women’s labor supply is mainly affected by their market wage rates. Second, married women’s labor supply is not affected by their husbands’ income. Third, married women’s labor supply increases if they are members of the Communist Party. These results imply that although the progress of market reforms makes market factors such as wage rates more important, political factors still have a significant effect on married women’s labor supply in urban China.
This study on the factors increasing farm household income disparity focusses on particular subjects in order to identify the causes of the polarization of rice farmers in terms of the areas they cultivated. By concentrating on the relationship between this polarization and the large-scale farmer development policy, the following points were identified. As a result of studying the changes in cultivation area of the same farmers drawn from the panel data constructed from the “Farm Household Economy Survey” between 2003 and 2007, it became evident that the polarization of the cultivation area of farmers was caused by the downsizing of medium-scale farm households along with the further expansion of large-scale farm households. A probit analysis using the “Farm Household Economy Survey” derived the impact of characteristics such as cultivation area, age of business owner, educational background, gender, leased area ratio, and region on the rates of scale expansion and scale reduction of farm households. The results demonstrated a notable impact of cultivation area, age of business owner, and leased area ratio. It was also identified that, even disregarding the impact of characteristics other than cultivation area, the rate of expansion of size of large-scale farm households and the rate of shrinkage of medium-scale farm households were both high. As a reason for the high rate of expansion observed among large-scale farm households, the shift in agricultural policies from medium-scale farmer development to large-scale farmer development has created the foundation for easy expansion for large-scale farm households. An indicator of this is the wide gap found in the expansion rate centering on 3 hectares; ever since the government announced the“ Exclusive Rice Specific Farm Development Plan” in 2004, large-scale farm households with over 3 hectares of cultivated land have become the pivot point of the policy. Furthermore, a reason for the high rate of reduction observed in medium-scale farm households is that large-scale farmers have a slowed reduction due to increased introduction of machinery from agricultural equipment purchase support programs while reduction pressures equally overwhelmed large and medium-scale farm households against the backdrop of the decline in the price of rice. In consideration of the above analysis, this study concludes that the success of the government policy of prioritizing large-scale farmers caused a polarization of cultivation land among rice-growing farm households and consequently led to the widening of disparity in agricultural income and farm household income.
In squatter settlements in cities in developing countries, community-based organizations(CBOs) are widely established to secure the rights of residents to dwell in these settlements. In the Philippines, these kinds of organizations, which appeared in the 1970s to counter the government’s oppressive policies on squatting, have become actively committed to urban housing policies since the EDSA Revolution of 1986. Studies of CBOs of squatter dwellers in metropolitan Manila have shown that these organizations are dynamic because various interests are interacting. Squatter settlements hold multifarious individuals with diverse interests stemming from their backgrounds, such as their sexual, socioeconomic, and cultural attributes. In this article, I introduce a gender perspective into analysis of CBOs as places for multiple deployments of residents’ subsistence strategies. The discussions about these CBOs in metropolitan Manila have conceived that the extent of women’s involvement in activities of the organizations is deep, though this aspect of the CBOs has not been researched in detail. Based on fieldwork at a squatter settlement in metropolitan Manila, this article explores the actual conditions of women’s activities in those CBOs, contextualizes them into the community’s socioeconomic structure, and examines the organizations’ relationships to actors around them. Household research conducted during this fieldwork shows that most married women are employed in jobs near or within their residential space; in contrast to men and unmarried women, who tend to work as employees some distance from their settlement. Furthermore, I explore the dynamics of the activities of CBOs working on residential issues in the settlement; and focus on their female officers who engage in community work or self-employment, which are common jobs among married women in the settlement. First, focusing on income structures of these women’s households, the study reveals that there is continuity between their employment and the activities of the CBOs. Then, examining their life stories, the study shows that the female officers who engage in the types of employment mentioned above used to work in a productive sphere outside their residential space, but quit those jobs for some reason. From the above discussion, the paper concludes that the functions of CBOs in squatter settlements are not restricted to securing the right to residence, which has been considered as the squatter dwellers’ greatest common interest. It argues that the organizations in the settlement are places where women, excluded from labor opportunities in the productive sphere, attempt to realize subsistence strategies for their households through their activities.