アジア研究
Online ISSN : 2188-2444
Print ISSN : 0044-9237
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60 巻 , 1 号
選択された号の論文の10件中1~10を表示しています
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特集:中国の外交と近隣諸国
論説
  • 八塚 正晃
    60 巻 (2014) 1 号 p. 37-55
    公開日: 2014/10/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Official Chinese Communist Party history simply indicates that Deng Xiaoping launched the open-door policy in 1978, largely discounting international factors, such as China’s joining the United Nations and China-U.S. reconciliation. With regards to the pre-1978 era, most studies focused on inter-Politburo politics, because during the Cultural Revolution power struggles often occurred among the leadership. According to the literature, the political situation after the death of Lin Biao is described as the struggle between Zhou Enlai, who aimed at economic reconstruction, and the radicals such as the “Gang of Four,” but they were under the almost complete dominance of Mao Zedong. Previous studies describe how Zhou’s economic policy was at the mercy of politics, and do not analyze his intention and policy. This article reconsiders the conception and limitation of the open-door policy which was launched as a part of Zhou’s policy, considering the importance of the changing international circumstances through analyzing a project designed to import large industrial plants from Western countries. This project was called the “4-3” development strategy, because its total projected cost was US$4.3 billion.
    Closer examination reveals that the industrial development strategy underlying the open-door policy was formed gradually in the early 1970s, in association with the change in the leadership’s perception towards new international circumstances. Until then, the Chinese leadership had pursued the construction of “the third front” as a preparation for war, which was a massive construction of defense and heavy industries in inland China. However, the change in the international situation in the early 1970s reduced the necessity of preparing for a war. Zhou Enlai and the bureaucrats therefore proceeded with the “4-3” development strategy as a part of a new national strategy, which included the reorganization of the bureaucracy to support the open-door policy and the shift of investment from military industry to agriculture and light industry and from inland to coastal areas. They implemented these policies through modifications of the 4th Five Year Plan.
    However, there was a conflict between the open-door policy and Mao’s revolutionary diplomatic strategies, despite Mao’s support for the former. The conflict came to the surface as the U.S.-Soviet détente emerged, and the pursuit of the opening was hampered. However, the open-door policy was gradually transformed into a comprehensive industrial policy. As a result, Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping were able to launch a systematic open-door policy soon after Mao’s death.
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  • 吉見 崇
    60 巻 (2014) 1 号 p. 56-71
    公開日: 2014/10/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    In order to clarify the significance of the Constitution which was promulgated in January 1947in the political history of the Republic of China, it is necessary to examine not only the perspective of parliamentary democracy but also that of constitutionalism. Thus, while focusing on the independence of judicial rights, this study presents an analysis of the issue of the affiliation of the Ministry of Justice with the aim of elucidating the nature of the discussion of the independence of judicial rights in the transformation of the political system during the Political Tutelage period.
    Within the fragile single-party domination by the Chinese Nationalist Party, while interpreting Sun Yat-sen’s ambiguous Five Yuan System, the Chinese Nationalist Party and Nationalist Government already had the intention to introduce judicial independence within the context of the separation of the three branches of government. The discussion regarding judicial independence during the Political Tutelage period preceded the formulation of the Constitution of the Republic of China.
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