The American Model of University Extension, featuring “Public Service”, emerged in the early 20th century. Charles R. Van Hise, President of the University of Wisconsin, made a large contribution to the diffusion of the new model as well as the establishment of the new Extension Division at his university. This paper aims to clarify how the American Model was formed, focusing on Van Hise's ideas and plans for university extension.
The University of Wisconsin, as a state institution, has been expected to pursue two purposes, “Research” for the elite and “Service” for the mass. The acceleration of “Research” for industrialization and economic development required an elitist graduate study, while the mission of “Service” to popular demands was embedded by nature. Van Hise, a Progressive scientist, argued that university was a center for social progress, and that university-trained experts could find the best solutions to social problems. He enlarged the concept of “Public Service” as an ideal that unified all activities of the university and placed Extension as the most efficient instrument embodying the ideal Extension could compromise the conflict between “Research” and “Servise”.
Van Hise, however, could not define who was really served and what the “Public interests” meant, because he was not class-conscious and had an optimistic view toward scientific reform. Extension, therefore, contained the danger of mass control.
“Ikigai” should be thought of in terms of life-long involvement, rather than a subject of particular concern for the elderly.
Theories of life-long learning have only described the facts of “Ikigai” because they lack a normative view point. The theory of the “Good” by J. Rawls offers an effective method when we approach the suject of “Ikigai” in life-long learning.
“Ikigai” is the value and meaning of one's life within the framework of facts and norms. However, as human desires vary. these judgements of value need some normative basis.
We have a sense of “Ikigai” when feel we are living a good life which is respected by others and society. In this sense “Ikigai” has the nature of “Good”. “Ikigai” is achieved as a person successfully executes rational “life-plan”. But this execution needs to be based on self-respect. I think that this good life is the object of life-long learning.
Learning promotes the formation of a positive view of life Rawls says that someone is happy and good when his rational plans of life are going well. If a positive view of life is based on this theory, the object of life-long learning is in supporting the formation of mind and ability to that view.
Life-long learning in terms of creating “Ikigai” will aim to improve individual lives and the social system and lead to reformation of the social system.
Non Profit Organizations (NPOs) are concerned with both public administration and competitive markets, but do not always provide opportunities for learning. We need to distinguish social function and learning in each NPO. Original knowledge and technology possessed by an NPO is related to the specialization of adult learning in recent years In this paper, I try to divide NPO into four types, and to formulate a model of empowerment. I consider professionalism in NPO's learning as a condition of empowerment model
Professionalism in NPOs can be understood as the ability to secure the participation of clients in NPO's service. Included in the learning process of professionalism, there is a learning network, administration, market and universities around the NPO. This network as social capital brings about politicization, and changes the functions each social sector have, so providing important opportunities to create alternative societies witih new social values, participation and solidarity.
Although a large number of studies have been made on the history of social education, what seems to be lacking is an inquiry into social physical education. In this article, I would like to examine the development of non-student physical education policy in interwar Japan, focusing on the work of “Shimin-taiiku (civic physical education)” in the City of Tokyo.
Both Ministries of Education and Interior began to show interest in social physical education and sports outside the school and army system after the First World War. Having been through a total war for the first time, they regarded the whole nation's bodies as national wealth Urban dwellers in particular were not very fit with poor physiques living in bad environments with inferior sanitary conditions, and the municipal authorities actively encouraged community physical education to make people's “bodies” healthy.
The findings are as follows. (1) The policy of “civic physical education” started in the context of positive public health, especially after the Great Earthquake of 1923. (2) Enthusiasm for health and athletics was a primary factor encouraging participation in the various works of physical training and exercises on the part of urbanites (3) These works absorbed and standardized people's enthusiasm for health and athletics, and produced “citizens” who had strong “bodies” to support urban public order of their own accord.
Many researchers in Japan as well as overseas have tried to apply Habermasian theory to what most modern pedagogies call ‘learning’. But by restricting ‘learning’ to specific institutions, places, groups, they fail to recognize that ‘learning’ at the post-conventional stage cannot be fully analyzed in that restricted way. Habermas' critical theory itself is a learning theory. It ‘reconstructs’ the general structure of learning specific to our time.
According to Habermas, constitutional states (and its members) are supposedly at the post-conventional stage. At this stage, we are compelled to judge rules all the more post-conventinally. This tendency prevails more in the present condition of capitalism, as process of understanding-oriented action coordination (strictly speaking, such process of reproduction of symbols as, 1. cultural reproduction, 2. social integration, 3. socialization) is distorted in favor of purpose-oriented ‘system integration’, (that is, ‘colonization of the life world’).
The purpose of ‘reconstruction’ which critical theory (that is, theory of communicative action) tries. is one of ways to reflect ourselves by understand this learning process.
The purpose of my argument in this paper is to articulate some features of discourses about education in reformatory schools (kanka-in) in the Meiji era, especially in terms of “the order of society” and “modernity”
First, the virtue of “education” in reformatory schools was contrasted with the vice of the disciplinary punishment in reprimand institutions (choji-kan, choji-jo). These discourses imply that “education” was used as a more dependable concept for maintaining the order of society. Second, non-governmental actors played a great role in the development of reformatory education. The government was not the only agent of reformatory education.
Furthermore, we can find several fundamental approaches to “juvenile delinquents” (furyo-shonen) in the discourses of the authors or lecturers in the later years of the Meiji era, who argued the case for education in reformatory schools in detail. The attention to juvenile delinquents' circumstances, the classification of delinquents, teachers' insights into individual delinquents, and teachers' love toward delinquents in the process of education. These features were the manifestation of attempts to define “juvenile delinquents” as perfectly controllable, understandable objects in terms of the order of society.
The logic of “education”, which the discourses for and about reformatory schools included, not only functioned as the ideology of nationalism. From the viewpoint of “modernity”, we can point out that it was also recognized as the most dependable means of maintaining the order of society or socialization.
In 1990s we witnessed the emergence of a college, which have been labelled Elderly Colleges, in both from educational policy streams and welfare policy streams. These new colleges appeared mainly in urban areas or at the prefectural level. The purpose of this article is to clarify the social function (or similarities/differences) of these Colleges by means of a questionaire survey of attendees.
Surveys with same questionaires were conducted in Nishinomiya City Elderly College (educational type) and the Elderly College of Osaka Prefecture (welfare type). The main points detected are as follows :
1) People who made new friendship ties in the College were more likely to show positive attitudes toward the College.
2) Purposeful attendees were more likely to possess positive evaluations for the College.
3) Continuity of attending and learning had to do with positive attitudes toward the College.
4) Functions of learning itself are highly valued for the evaluations of the educational type College, whereas for welfare type College reconstruction of human relations is highly valued.
The methodology of the study of the history of social education, focussing on a contradiction between the national policy and people, has its limits. Many studies based on this methodology have not tended to give full importance to realities of the history. Therefore, little has been done to attempt an holistic approach although early social education theory has been an object of study for a long time. The purpose of this paper is to re-examine early social education theory, while reconsidering the methodology.
Yukichi Fukuzawa used the terms “human society education” and “education in society” in the early Meiji era. He discussed the necessity of self-education of the middle classes in their life through their social experiences after finishing school. Differing from Fukuzawa, “social education” was viewed as a supplement to school education in the middle Meiji era, while the term “popular education” was adopted as a concept to promote the education of parents as a means of raising elementary school attendance. Later, the terms “social education” and “popular education” were often used in a similar fashion as a concept related to adult education and community education.
Finally, the paper re-examines the social education theory of Jiro Yamana. He discussed social education as an idea indicating the relationship between education and society, while inheriting the ideas of Fukuzawa. Thus we see that the modern theory of social education in Japan. being expressed as the concept of “the socialization of education and the education of society,” owes its origin to Yamana.
We can propose that the practice of Community Adult Education belongs in the public sphere because it enables forming the subject of this sphere.
In this context, it occupies the interest to get involved in co-operation in the intermediary sphere between state and civil society, however, as far as depending on dualism theory (individual-society, being-norm··), it is difficult to find the logic for forming subject of public sphere in co-operation.
In this paper, co-operation is considered the process for uniting the devided (speaking strictly, contradictional) daily life on which dualism is based.
The centre of its process is the experience of co-operative work. At first, the concerns of participants in co-operation are limited to private interest, but through the experience of co-operative work, their concerns are transformed into communal interest. When participants reflect this process, they will be able to understand the logic for transformative learning process, and the way to reach communal and autonomical sphere. We may find the possibility for limiting the power of state, and subject of public sphere within them. The essence of community adult education has been regarded as an educational aspect of popular movement, but its meaning has to be re-explained in the above-mentioned context.