The purpose of Gender-Equality Centers is to make society gender free. This time, I had an opportunity to do field research to make clear the formation process of citizen-participated progam on the planning committee at the Gender-Equality Center in T city.

  The aim of this study is to make a new theoretical model of citizen-participated planning process based on participant observation methods at lifelong learning facilities. In order to make this new theoretical model, I refer to the adult education program planning theories of R. Cervero and R. Caffarella. Cervero argued that program planning is not a technical but a social activity. Caffarella proposed a sample framework for making ethical program planning decisions composed of five factors in the ‘interactive model’ of adult education program planning. I try to make compatible both theories, and adapt Caffarella's framework to my study.

  In conclusion, I found that there were seven influential factors in program formation in the planning comittee at the facility. And there were three influential key-persons who especially contributed to the planning of the gender-equality program.

  Finally, I proposed four topics for reaserch; needs-assessment, professionality of the staff, performance levels of the citizen members and the combination of planning with contingency.

  Since the 1930s, traditional youth organizations (Wakamono-Gumi) in the village society have been re-evaluated as positive influences with autonomomy and educational functions, and idealized as the origin of the Young Men's Assiciations (Seinen-Dan) by the Leaders of Seinen-Dan. I would like to define this theory as “Seinen-Dan=Wakamono-Gumi” in the paper.

  I would like to analyze Wakamono-Gumi in the “Seinen-Dan=Wakamono-Gumi Botai” theory as an educational discourse in the theories on Seinen-Dan in the Post War Period.

  From the end of the war to the 1960s, Wakamono-Gumi disapeared in the theories of Seinen-Dan because “Seinen-Dan=Wakamono-Gumi Botai” theory and the idealized Wokomono-Gumi were critcised for their arbitrary nature by the scholars in youth education.

  In the mid-1960s, however, Nihon Seinenkan, which had the intention of reviving the prewar theory on Seinen-Dan, republished books on the perwar theory. That revived the “Seinen-Dan=Wakamono-Gumi Botai” theory and the idealized Wakamono-Gumi in the theories on Seinen-Dan. And in the mid-1960s, Wakamono-Gumi appeared as the image of small groups which have close relationships (Tamariba) in the “Seikatsu-Shudan” theory which was proposed by Nasuno Takakazu in Seinen-Dan Ron (1976).

  Since then, although “Seinen-Dan=Wakamono-Gumi Botai” theory and the idealized Wakamono-Gumi have been criticised in demonstorative studies, Wakamono-Gumi continues to exist as an educational discourse.

  The purpose of this paper is to consider the aims and purposes of the Fresh Start Course in England. For this purpose, I focus on comparing the Access to Higher Education Course, introduced by Enid Hutchinson. The Fresh Start Course has been thought of as the starting point of the Access to Higher Education Course that helps adult to re-enter higher education. Enid Hutchinson, a pioneer of the Fresh Start Course, however, emphasized the differences between the Access Course and the Fresh Start Course.

  First, I examine the differences in the aims between them. The former is to help re-entry into higher education. But the latter is to help women to make a fresh start.

  Second, I analyze the differences in the purposes. The former lays stress the results of learning, but the latter, the process of learning. E. Hutchinson says that the process of learning is the process of empowerment for women.

  Third, I examine the differences in their methods of evaluation. The former is evaluated by a pass or fall test. The latter is evaluated by the process of learning.

  Finally, I point out that the Fresh Start Course places stress on the process of learning. And the process of learning in the Fresh Start Course leads to the empowerment of women.

  The theme of this study is the role and character of the amateur theater movement during wartime Japan. The movement aimed at sustaining the Japanese regime by mobilizing the people through theatrical action, which the government offered and controlled. But the movement involved a fundamental contradiction in how it could arouse spontaneity in the people under an oppressive regime. Many people who were committed to the movement thought that amateur theater could be a possible solution to this contradiction basic character of theatrical works (playbooks), which were written in the movement, was to solve conflict in ordinary life through the dignity of the state. But there was always a gap between policy and realty. I would like to study not only from the aspect of the policy of amateur theater, but also from the aspect of the playbooks and presentation of performance.

  The purpose of this article is to clarify the concept of “National People's Culture” in UEHARA Senroku's theory of subject-formation. This study clarifies the following five points.

  1. UEHARA proposed a relationship of tension between “politics and culture” in “National People's Culture” theory. In this relationshp, “National People's Culture” has an independent standpoint as culture, not dependent on political logic, but bounding solutions to political problems on a deep level.

  2. In this theory, UEHARA saw that the basis of human dignity, Japanese individuality and morality could be observed in moments in people's everyday lives and work. Moreover UEHARA placed these observations within the theories of national people's independence and community independence.

  3. Accordingly, UEHARA's concept of the national includes moments that check problems of the closed idea of the Japanese Nation, relatively.

  4. In the process of Japanese peoples' empowerment, leaners should continue to recognize the situations of “National Culture”, “National People's Education” and “The Japanese Nation” within their own value standards. This method is one aspect of the “historical mind” that UEHARAa proposed.

  5. In UEHARA's theory, firstly, practices for creating “National People's Culture” promote learner's practices that recognize their communiy ethos from the insider's own standpoint. Further, these practices promote learner's practices that liberate the self from community restraints. UEHARA designed the concept of “National People's Culture” as a concept that has the above mentioned functions.

  The purpose of this paper is to clarify the type of learning program offered on radio and the learning model used by radio broadcasts for women in the modern age.

  On radio, the "Katei-kouza" (home-course), the "Fujin-kouza" (women's-course), and the "Katei-Daigaku-Kouza" (home-university-course) were broadcast as programs for women.

  In the "Katei-kouza", practical knowledge was offered. Many current topics were taken up in the "Fujin-kouza", and academic contents of a high level were broadcast in the "Katei-Daigaku-kouza."

  Among these, "Katei-kouza" and the "Katei-Daigaku-kouza" had many serialized programs.

  These had curricula. There was an introduction in the first day's broadcast and then the contents became more detailed in following programs. Moreover, many texts were published for the continuous programs. Women could use the text together with the radio broadcasts for more effective study.

  From the above, the radio broadcast in the modern age opened new learning opportunities for women, who tended to be shut up at home.

  And it also gave them chances to receive lectures from eminent academics at home. Furthermore, the new form of continuing education was established by radio and it also had become the starting point of today's broadcast study programs.

  “Adult education”, as a term referring to educational activities for the adults was fixed in the United State of America in the second half of the 1920s. It was promoted by the American Association for Adult Education (AAAE), the first national organization in the United States of America.

  The method of AAAE, which was systematized to include existing adult education organizations over other fields, is unique example. This is because at that time other countries adult education movements wene developed, systematized, and institutionalized focusing on limited organizations or specific fields.

  Such an early concept of adult education, which was concentrating on liberal education, is inconsistent with the concept of adult education that includes all fields. In order to clarify such inconsistency, this paper examines the idea of systematization of adult education by AAAE, through analyzing the theory of M. A. Cartwright who made the draft of the organization.

  The concept of Adulf educaton was clarified through, 1) the plan proposed by the AAAE organization, 2) the idea of “Adult education” included the various activities, 3) the relationship between the association and Carnegie Corporation.

  Three main organizations, that is, the University Extra-mural Department, the Workers' Educational Association and the Local Education Authority (LEA), have taken charge of the English adult educational system since the first half of the 20th century. This paper deals with the evening institutes for non-vocational adult education by the London County Council, which was one of the leading LEAs in England.

  A bold reform of the evening education system resulted in the establishment of the Literary Institutes, Women's Institutes and Men's Institutes. The Literary Institutes provided the citizens of London with liberal education, and tried to bring the humanities and their living environments together. Practical, domestic and recreational subjects were taught, and also social and extracurricular activities were encouraged in the Women's and Men's Institutes for the development of local communities.

  So we arrive at our conclusion that the experiment, closely connected with post-elementary education in the County of London, was a new type of adult education service for the general public, which evolved from ordinary evening schools, and was different from the traditional adult education movement established by various voluntary bodies, which chiefly aimed to extend higher education. Besides it was an epoch-making policy from which adult education work by the other LEAs have descended.

  The purpose of this paper is to show the meaning of reflection on practices for supporters (medical workers or staff of citizens' groups) who help in empowering patients, in order to develop the competence of support workers. Firstly, this paper demonstrates the necessity of help for patients to gain their self-directedenss and of developinng conpetency of supporter workers to help in empowering patients. Secondly, it shows a process of supporters' developing their competence by reflecting on their practices through qualitative analysis of interviews of some staff members with Consumer for Organization Medicine and Law (NPO), who help patients solve their own problems self-directedly. Finally this paper raises the necessity of constructing an interdisciplinary approach for helping patients to gain self-directedness.

  The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the practical idea of “Jidokan”, Child Welfare Institutions, has changed in state measures and theories, and to understand structurally the historical process of “Jidokan” practice in Tokyo since the 1970s, taking notice of the relation between the idea and individual practices.

  State run “Jidokan” have been needed to cope with various subjects, for example to educate children healthily and to support child rearing. The theoretical ideas can be classified roughly into an outline of the right to live and of the right to education. The former has been the principle concept behind the establishment of the institutions. The latter, growing out of it, has aimed to establish children's independence for creating their culture by nurturing their own organizations. In practical activities, practitioners have been groping in the dark in face of a gap between the two ideas. But we can find some practices in which children have acted creatively, not as recipients of service.

  Today, we have to make the meaning of these hidden practices and to deepen the idea of “Jidokan” in accordance with an outline of the right of education.

  When one is 18 years old, there is large difference of opportunity for higher education (university and college) between social classes or regions. From the point of ‘real equality of educational opportunity’, it is important that we make an effort to correct the differences in life-long learning. I surveyed the learning activity since adulthood of people who are born in remote places. They aren't blessed with opportunities for higher education when they graduate from high school. In this survey, I tried to clarify 1) how many have been to university or college since adulthood, 2) how many have aspirations to do so, and 3) who are such people. The sample of this survey consists of, 450 people born in Amami island in Kagoshima prefecture.

  As a result, it is found that nearly half of them have developed aspirations to go to university since adulthood. A very few of them have actually realized these aspirations, but the others could not. At present, many of them have returned to the island and live there with aspirations that have not been satisfied yet. The profile of them and their motives for higher education are characteristic of the life course of people born in remote islands and the socio-economic conditions of remote regions.

  This paper deals with the process of the formation of the Subject in the popular movement in 1970s and 80s, focusing on the Catholic Church's role. This study analyses the process of the establishment of CEDEP (Culture and Development Center of Paranoa) in Brasilia, using interviews with the various people concerned.

  As a result of the analysis, four things are clarified. First, the youth had no self-consiousness as subjects of social reform before the youth group was organized by the priest. Second, the Catholic Church's role was an autonomous bridge between the people and the popular movement. Through the activity of the group organized by the priest, the people's consciousnesses were sharpened and the people developed democratic popular movement. Third, both the people and the priest regarded negotiations with the government as surpassing the framework of activities of the Church. The people's autonomy within the movement, which was directed against the Church, was not a one-way insistence. Fourth, there is a difference of the cognizance concerning social problems between the people and the priest.