This series elucidates the production method of Nihon no sugao (Japan Unmasked) (1957-1964) that built a foundation of Japanese TV documentaries. The third part of the series quantitatively analyzes the entire existing film texts of 193 episodes whose videos and audio are both stored in the archives, focusing on the relations between image and language. From the findings, the author extracts the following five points that are presumed to be most important.
(1) There was an almost constant increase in verbalization (the use of language accompanying image) during the six and a half years of production and broadcasts. In 1961, the verbalization reached a level that is commonly seen in todays' TV documentaries.
(2) Utilizing interviews, the series departed from the cinematic techniques of contemporary documentary films.
(3) The expository mode using narrations stands out throughout the series. This mode made Nihon no sugao enlightening, both methodologically and technically.
(4) There was a methodological shift in 1961: the use of subjects' voices including interviews, which had driven the verbalization of the series, reached a plateau. Narrations increased thereafter, which served as the main factor for the further verbalization of Nihon no sugao and made the series technically more expository and enlightening.
(5) The final stage of the series generated unprecedented film texts by the heavy use of spontaneous voices captured through synchronized recording. This technique possibly influenced the production methods of NHK's post–Nihon no sugao TV documentaries.
This series examines broadcasting by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy in the “southern occupied territories” during the Pacific War. Part III explores the reality of broadcasting propaganda employed in the Philippines and Burma (now Myanmar).
In 1942, the Japanese armed forces seized Manila, the Philippines in January and Rangoon, Burma in March, following which the employees of Japan Broadcasting Corporation were dispatched to these territories one after another for broadcasting propaganda. Local stations were established in the Philippines under the control of “broadcast administrative bureau in the Philippines”: Manila Broadcasting Station (January 14, 1942), Cebu Broadcasting Station (November 1, 1943) and Davao Broadcasting Station (November 3, 1943). In Burma, Rangoon Broadcasting Station was launched under the control of “broadcast administrative bureau in Burma” (August 15, 1942).
Raising the banner of overthrowing western colonialism and liberating Asia, the Japanese armed forces became more and more committed to “pacification work for local residents” and “hostile propaganda.” Radio stations in the Philippines aired programs for local residents centering on music as well as hostile broadcasts against the U.S. Army Forces Far East, (USAFFE) while the station in Burma aired broadcasts for local residents aimed at instilling the Japanese culture and hostile broadcasts against India.
Nevertheless, both territories were among the fiercest battlefields, and neither of the broadcast administrative bureau in the Philippines nor in that in Burma was able to broadcast the Imperial Rescript of the Termination of the War. As Japan's war situation gradually worsened employees of Japan Broadcasting Corporations were running around in the mountains to escape or forced to fight as combatants, and many of them died on duty. Broadcasting stations in the southern occupied territories took part in the cultural propaganda for spreading the concept of Greater East Asia Co–Prosperity Sphere but eventually dispersed without achieving its goal and with an enormous number of casualties.
The NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute annually conducts “Rating Survey on Young Children's TV Viewing” to study young children's TV viewing as well as the use of recorded programs, DVDs, and internet videos. Children's media use is becoming more and more diverse: they not only watch television programs in real time but also view diverse content on various media. The problem with the conventional measurement method is that it cannot gauge such diversifying content viewing with the same yardstick.
In response to this issue, the author attempted to re–calculate the results of the 2020 rating survey (web–method survey), employing the same yardstick for real–time, recoded program, DVD, and internet video viewing, so that we could examine young children's content viewing, which involves different media platforms and devices, regardless of media platforms and viewing patterns.
For this analysis, we introduced an entirely new index that shows the total amount of views by children per week for each title, using the same duration (minutes) as a yardstick for all titles. We call this index “power to attract young children's viewing.” Furthermore, based on this “power to attract young children's viewing,” which is calculated separately for real–time, recorded program, DVD, and internet video viewing, we added them up to measure the overall “power” of each title across media, and we call it “total power to attract young children's viewing.”
High–ranking titles in terms of “total power to attract young children's viewing” mainly consist of TV content including NHK's ETV programs and commercial broadcasters' animation works, but BabyBus and HikakinTV–both YouTube content–are also ranked high.
The new calculation method used for this survey has indicated that there are still some issues to be solved with this method, but we believe it can serve as an index showing the trend of content–viewing other than that of real–time, which allows us to understand the overall picture of young children's content–viewing.