Farming villages in Japan have changed their economic and social structures under the influence of rapid urbanization after World War II. There is an argument that in reality farming villages do not exist at present in Japan. The concept of a farming village has also become uncertain. This paper aims to clarify the concept and spatial structure of farming villages by the discussing the location of such villages and the changing process they have undergone since the Edo period. To make the object of research clear, the author set "Nogyo-Sonraku" as a hypothetical model of a farming village. Each farm household is a basic unit in a farming village and has two fundamental functions. One is an economic -especialiy agricultural- function. The other is a social one. To examine the spatial units of these two functions in "Nogyo-Sonraku" since the Edo period, the author has tried to analyse the changes in the spatial structure of a farming village. The study field for this paper is the Shiwa Basin of Higashi-Hiroshima-City, in the south-central part of Hiroshima Prefecture. As a result of analyses, five stages in the changing process of "Nogyo-Sonraku" since the Edo period were recognized. The five stages are as follows: The first stage (Edo period). Agricultural and social functions were not separated clearly in this period. The author recognized the several spatial units of each function in this area. They are "Gonin-Gumi" "Shaso-Jyunin-Gumi" "Kojyu" and others. They functioned within "Hansei-Son" -traditional villages in the Edo period-. The second stage (1890s-1920s). Through this period, some new functions and their spatial units have appeared in place of the functions of feudal rules in traditional villages. An example of the new units was "Buraku", "Buraku" were the smallest units of new administrative organization similar to a parish. Some of the functions widely expanded their units over their boundaries into new villages. Because the new town-village system was enforced in 1889, eight "Hanseison" were united into three "Meiji Administrative Villages" in the Siwa basin. Also, three elementary schools were established in each new village under the Meiji education system. The third stage (1930s-1940s). The central government began a strengthening policy of rural organizations called "Buraku-Kai" in 1940. This organization was the integrated unit of the two fundamental functions of farming villages in the past. Accordingly the traditional organization "Kojyu" immediately weakened. The fourth stage (1950s-1970s). Rural functions and their spatial units changed in this stage. The "Buraku" unit began to be dispersed. For example, at first, the mechanization of agriculture progressed in the "Buraku" unit. Later the increase of part time peasants brought about the mechanization progress in each household. In addition, many agricultural functions were taken over by "Nogyo-Kyodo-Kumiai", -a newly organized agricultural cooperative. Through this period the traditional social functions immediately weakened with the increase in popularity of urbanized life styles and the expantion of administrative unit. Three Meiji Administrative Villages were united into one new town called "Shiwa-Cho" in 1955. The fifth stage (1980s-). In this stage, some spatial units disappered and their functions moved to each farm household. Those functions were cooperation of agricultural and mutal assistance as "Kou". In general, the spatial units of the economic and social functions expanded wider in this stage than in the first four stages. The agricultural cooperative took charge of many of the traditional agricultural functions and the local government took charge of many sotial functions.
Fukuyama plain is one of the alluvial plains along the northern coast of Seto Inland Sea. The alluvium of this plain is comparatively thin and its base lies only twelve meters in depth, because the plain is located near the watershed of the previous river system during the Last Glacial Age. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the formative process of Fukuyama plain in detail. From this point of view, component analysis and diatom analysis were carried out at four boring core samples collected in this area. The deposit of Fukuyama plain is divided into three units; Basal layer, Middle Silt layer and Upper Sand layer (Iseki 1982). Nature of each unit of this plain is briefly sammarized as follows; 1) Basal layer lies under the alluvial deposits of the deltaic plain. This layer is divided into Basal layer I and Basal layer II, in ascending order. (1) Basal layer I consists of rather consolidated sand and gravel, and yields many calcareous nanno fossils. (2) Basal layer II mainly consists of clay with 3-10 N value. This layer contains many fresh water diatoms, suggesting fluvial in origin. 2) Middle Silt layer is divided into three sub-units. (1) Judging from the composition of the diatom assembleges, Middle Silt layer I seems to have been deposited near the coast. (2) In Middle Silt layer II, marine diatoms, faecal pellets and calcareous nanno fossils appear remarkably. This shows that the depositional environment was affected greatly by marine water. (3) Middle Silt layer III contains less marine components than those of Middle Silt layer II. 3) Upper Sand layer can be divided into two sub-units. (1) In Upper Sand layer I, calcareous nanno fossils and marine diatoms gradually decrease upward but fresh water diatoms increase. (2) The analyses of Upper Sand layer II show that this layer was deposited in marine condition because the sites of all boring cores are located on the reclaimed land. From the results of these analyses, we can estimate how the depositional environment has changed. Before the Last Glacial maximum, Basal layer I was deposited in beach environment. Basal layer II was accumulated on the land mainly in the Last Glacial Age. However, the upper part of this layer may have been formed even in Holocene, due to delayed transgression in the former watershed area. When Jomon transgression intruded into this region, Middle Silt layer I and II were formed. During high sea level of Jomon transgression, the most part of this plain was submerged and Middle Silt layer II was deposited. The 14C date from the middle part of this layer is about 6600 y.B.P. It sugests that Middle Silt layer III and Upper Sand layer I are sediments which accumulated during the regression stage after Jomon transgression and the depositional environment changed from inner bay to the foreset bed of the delta.
La geographie Linguistique etudie les phenomenes de variation des mots pour eclairer l'histoire de la langue. Elle a ete nee en France et en Allemange presque en meme temps dans la seconde moitie du XIX^e siecle. Le present article porte sur une vue d'ensemble de ses courants dans les aires fracophones ainsi que le reexamen d'un exemple de recherche. En France, c'est J. Gillieron qui a fonde cette science. L'Altlas linguistique de la France, qu'il a achieve en 1912 avec la collaboration de E. Edmont, sert de base a la geographie linguitique fracophone. Il a continue depuis, une activite prodigieuse pour aboutir, entre autres, a la Genealogie des mots qui designent l'abeille (1918) qui est son travail de benedictin. A la suite de Gillieron, un nombre de geographes linguistes -Jud, Jaberg, Terracher, etc.- ont laisse des etudes de valeur. Les autres aires fracophones (Belgique, Suisse) ont egalement connu des recherches tres actives, ce qui a amene chacune a publier un atlas linguistique. Les dialectes ont un double aspect contradictoire qui comprend a la fois un caractere renovateur ayant la tendance a changer de mots et un caractere conservateur voulant les garder tels quels. La geographie linguistique saisit telles situations fluctuantes qui trouvent parfois leur origine dans les facteurs sociaux ambiants. En 1905, Gillieron et Mongin ont publie Scier dans la Gaule romane du Sud et de l'Est. Leur etude a elucide une histoire curieuse du mot designant <scier> par suite de l'analyse de la carte linguistique du Midi. Cette analyse fait observer que le mot serrare s'isole en fragments, tandis que sect-are tranche au milieu les aires des autres patois. L'auteur de ces lignes a reexamine la repartition de ces paois par rapport aux divisions administratives et aux conditions topographiques. Les resultats en temoignent d'une correration peu negligeable entre les deux plans. La geographie linguistique aborde la repartition geographique meme des mots. Sa methode concrete et precise serait d'un grand profit pour la geographie humaine, qui ne considere la langue que comme un des elements constituants de la culture.