拙稿(峯, 1995)では, 地方小商業港である下関港を事例として, その後背地のミクロな構造を分析した。しかし, 中央の大港湾においては, 各港の他地域に及ぼす影響が大きく, また港湾背後にはより複雑な物流が存在していると考えられる。本研究は, その例として大阪湾を取り上げ, 港湾の影響が及ぶ地域である「港湾関係圏」の構造を明らかにしようとしたものである。これまで、物流の複雑化する現代の港湾, 特に工業港は「関係圏」によって捉えることが難しくなったとされてきたが, 本稿では, 海上や陸上の物流のネットワークを分析することによって, 「前方地」や「2次的後背地」などから「関係圏」を新しく考察できることをみた。また専用埠頭をもつ工業港の事業所は, 原材料の搬入や製品の国内他港への海上輸送の場合には自港の専用埠頭を利用する傾向がある。これに対し, 製品の輸出では専用埠頭の有無を問わず大阪港や神戸港などの大商業港を利用することがわかった。この事実から, 大商業港がもつ海上ネットワークの充実度が商業港の「関係圏」を拡大していることや商業港と工業港間の機能分担の関係も明らかとなる。

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Some papers reported that the internal migration patterns in the 1980s showed a tendency to be reconcentrated into core regions in developed countries including Japan. In analyzing the internal migration patterns in developed countries, it is important to examine inter-urban migration patterns. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the inter-urban migration pattems in Japan between 1985 and 1990 by employing 1990 Population Census of Japan. This paper consists of three sections. The first section investigates the inter-urban migration patterns in the 1985-1990 period. The second section reveals the migration patterns between the three major metropolitan areas(the Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya metropolitan areas)and cities in non-metropolitan areas(which are composed of thirty-five prefectures except for the three major metropolitan areas)in the same period. The last section is devoted to the examination of the internal migration patterns in each major metropolitan area. The main findings obtained are summarized as follows ; 1) The inter-urban migration patterns in Japan between 1985 and 1990 are characterized by the concentration of migrants into higher order cities(Ia - IIIa classes), especially into the three major cities(Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya cities)and regional centers such as Sapporo, Sendai, Hiroshima and Fukuoka. 2) The migration areas to the three major metropolitan areas are spatially very different from each other. The Tokyo metropolitan area attracts its net in-migrants from the whole non-metropolitan areas, particularly Northeastern Japan(the Hokkaido and Tohoku district)and the Kyushu district. On the other hand, the migration areas to the Osaka and Nagoya metropolitan areas are spatially limited, the Osaka metropolitan area plays an important role as the center of internal migration only in Western Japan(the Kinki, Ctugoku and Shikoku district), while the Nagoya metropolitan area attracts net in-migrants not only from the Tokai district(Aichi, Gifu and Mie prefectures)but also from the Kyushu district. Nagoya metropolitan area is characterized by relatively close connection with cities(e.g.Kitakyushu, Nagasaki and Kagoshima)located in the Kyushu district. 3) The internal migration patterns in the Tokyo metropolitan area differ from those in the Osaka and Nagoya metropolitan areas. Because of rapid growth of the Tokyo metropolitan area it is characterized by high mobility of the population and active suburbanization from the central city(the ward area of Tokyo prefecture)in comparison with the others. In addition, it is clear that the suburb areas with high commuting rates to the central cities of the three major metropolitan areas tend to show higher gross and net migration rates to the central cities than the outer areas.

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Development of residential suburb in the prewrar days of Japan before 1 945 is characterized with proposing new style of houses and daily lives and their residential landscape, in which residents mainly belonged to both the social and economic upper class society at that time. Therefore, those sites developed before The World War II are quite different in terms of physical landscape , and residential culture from those developed after 1960s when the class distinctiveness were becoming disappearing due to the economic boom. The studies of residential suburb in the prewar days are mainly progressing in the disciplines of architecture, town planning and history of business. They pursue the ideas and technical knowledge of the planners who were actually engaged in the construction of the suburban housing sites, clarifying the characteristics of the planning scheme, spatiai patterns of their location, and the physical features of the housing and site planning. Attention is also stressing on the explication of the business manner of land and housing development by railways' companies. Unfortunately, geographical inquiry into this theme is not sufficient. In this paper, the authors preliminary propose the alternative framework for proceeding the geographical study of residential suburb. In this description, we adopt renewed concept of'place' with which many geographers are recently discussing in the forefront of cultural and social geography in the Anglo world. Refering to the recent studies which are mainly focusing on the mediating role of place, this paper clarifies the process of acquiring the meaning of place which is nurtured by the specific residents of elite class living in the resiential suburban site. This meaning grows in the manifestation of the selected status of elite class, production of space which excludes the others and the differentiated mode of specific consumption of the residents. In the case study of Sayama suburban housing sites in the south-eastern region of Osaka prefecture, the authors explore how this housing site created the differentiated elite residential place by the establishment of many kinds of social and cultural associations and movements such as Sayama Culture League, and Sayama Culture Club which had both advocated the new styles of cultural and recreational activities toward the residents. The community association of this residential suburb had also dealt with many environmental problems in order to protect their residential atomosphere, by requirment of the provision of infrastructure and the efforts to introduce the building control agreement. The attachment and pride to the place among residents had led them to construct monument and to create new place name as a symbol of their elite consciousness.

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