In this paper, the author describes the built-up process and the land-use changes in the urban core of Naha city, Okinawa. The urban core of Naha can be roughly divided into two areas : spontaneous and planed built-up areas by its forming process and shapes. The core part of old Naha city urbanized before the world war II were kept as an off-limits area till mid 1950s by the U. S. Forces. People who owned lands in the old Naha and who repatriated from the former Japanese occupation countries, inhabited in Tsuboya and Makishi on the lands allotted by the U. S. Forces from Nov 1945. These restrained inhabitation and sudden population increase in those areas resulted in the unplanned built-up area with labyrinthine alleys and complicated ownership of houses and lands. On the other hand, the land readjustment with gridiron streets pattern was in the core part of old Naha city completed by 1960 based on the City Planning Act of 1953, flowing the gradual restoration of lands from the U. S. Forces. As a result, above mentioned two areas have got distinctive morphological and socio-economic contrasts. In the planned area, land for business use increased and spread along the arterial road R58 and the workplace population increased in Kumoji and its adjacent areas between 1980s. As a result the present business district was formed and residential housing and vacant and parking lots decreased. In the spontaneous area, on the other hand, the day-time population was decreased more than the planned area. And there is mixed land-use include grave. Although the land-use for old wooden house was decreased, vacant or parking lots were more increased. In this condition, the conversion of land-use in this area had been stagnant. From these results, it can be concluded that the formative process of the built-up area have effect on the converting ability of the land-use in the urban core of Naha city.
The aim of this paper is to make clear the changing structure of Japanese urban systems through the relationships between urban growth and firm activities in main cities by analyzing the Establishment Census 1981 and 1991. We can employ the statistic data of establishments on main cities with more than 300, 000 inhabitants and all prefectural capitals ; they are consisted of 74 cities in 1981 and 81 in 1991. Hino (1995) already clarified the changing features of firm activities by analyzing the same statistic data in detail. But it seems that there still remain other research areas on the relations between firm activities and urban systems. The main results obtained in this paper are summarized as follows : (1) Since more than 40 percent of workers are engaged in branch establishments of these main cities, we can consider them as an important element of urban economy, as Hino (1995) pointed out. (2) Aside from the case of small and medium-sized cities, there are no close relationships between the percent of branch establishment workers and the population size in these cities. Similarly, the growth rates of firm employees, especially branch establishment workers, are not necessarily higher in larger cities in the 1980s, though we can recognize such a tendency in the 1960s and 1970s. (3) We cannot reveal a tendency to have somewhat higher rates of local firm workers in main cities located in the peripheral areas of Japan except for Asahikawa and Naha. In the main cities of these areas, however, the rates of branch establishment workers headquartered in three metropolitan cities are lower, while those headquartered in regional metropolises are relatively high. The job rates of secondary industry are also lower, because regional metropolises such as Fukuoka, Sapporo, Sendai and Hiroshima cannot play a role to controll secondary industry of the main cities in these areas in place of three metropolitan cities. (4) In these 74 cities there is a tendency to increase the worker rates of the firms headquartered in other prefectures, especially in Tokyo, in the period 1981 to 1991. It is noticeable that the growth rates are higher in main cities of prefectural capital class than in regional metropolises which already have close linkages to Tokyo firms. In this period the firm employees grew more rapidly in regional metropolises and suburban areas of Tokyo than in Tokyo itself, apart from capital relations of firms ; it means that Tokyo firms have developed their linkage network to main cities rather than firm activities in Tokyo itself. It will be not considered that such changing features of firm activities have not caused the rapid decline of net-in-migrations in the Tokyo metropolitan area in the 1990s. Although a little time lag can be recognized in the changing features between firm activities and urban population in Tokyo, the changing process of urban population to the deconcentration may already begin on a full scale.
This paper attempts to classify rural communities in a suburban area, Higashi-Hiroshima City with using multivariate analysis of the statistics both on forest management and on the socio-economic environment such as the rural community and agriculture. Almost all of the forests in this region are pine (Pinus densiflora) forests. At first, the principal components on forest management were analyzed, and three major components were obtained. They are forest management by rural communities, economic utilization laying stress on development and utilization in forestry and maintenance. Of the rural community, two major components were obtained and they were the inflow of newcomers with keeping the functions of rural communities, and the heterogeneity of the social structure and mixed settlement in rural communities. Of the agriculture, floating of farmland and weakening of agricultural management was obtained as one major component. With using the above six components, the rural communities were classified into four types by the cluster analysis (Ward's method). Type I : The characteristic of forests in this type is the high ratio of the forest area and broad-leaved forests based on the varied natural environment such as inchlination of slopes and altitude. In this type, the ratio of forest owners with artificial forests is also high, and forests are managed by private ownership and little developed. But the degree of forest maintenance is not higher than other types. The socio-economic environment of this type can be regarded as the region in which the characteristic of agricultural village is highly remained excluding lower activity of social function in the community. In addition, the decrease of paddy fields and abandoned cultivated fields are outstanding, so the basis of agriculture may become weakened in the near future. Type II : The characteristic of forests in this type is the high ratio of communal forests. Broad-leaved forests are rarely seen in this type, while pine forests are well remained. It is supposed that in communal forest management system there must be a lot of opportunities to maintain pine forests as the Matsutake mushroom (Tricholoma matutake) forest. In this type, the agricultural basis is highly stable. For example, the ratio of farm household decreasing, the ratio of farm household with the abandonment of cultivated field and the ratio of agricultural communities with diversified cultivated fields are the lowest among all types. Type III : Forests in this type tend to be little used and managed in spite of the high ratio of the forest area. Such a tendency is indicated in variables such as the ratio of forest owners with artificial forests, the ratio of forest land owners with weeding and the ratio of farm household forest owners which sold forest products. The character of socio-economic environment in this type is low function of community management. Type IV : Forests and farm lands in this type tend to be developed for urbanized use such as residential land. The population and household growth ratio is over 20%, while the ratio of farm household has become less than 20%, therefore the agriculture in this type seems to be on the decline. Farm roads and the irrigation system are relatively well maintained in spite of such a large number of newcomers.
Declining enrolls at the center of large cities have been intensified in recent years by out-migration rather than fall in birth rate. This decline enforces public schools to underutilize their capacity. Many educational authorities have been confronted by the problem of underutilized capacity in public schools, and so they have necessitated its rationalization. The local government of Chiyoda published a reorganization plan of public schools on December 20, 1991, which would start in 1993. In Chiyoda Word, because enrolls have been decreasing since 1960s, public schools, especially primary ones, had extremely underutilized their capacity. The purpose of that plan was mainly to improve this underutilized capacity and to encourage regrowing population. This paper aims at elucidating its impact on the region through public political participation in local politics. Firstly, with employing the linear programming method to solve the transportation problem, the reorganization plan was examined in terms of both the travel-distance of children and school capacity. Two kinds of school capacity-constraints were defined as follows : 1) 300-420 children and 2) no constraints. As the results of solving each problem, the attendance areas of no capacity-constraints case were similar to the actual. It turned out that the reorganization plan was to make children attend the nearest school since this case was merely to minimize the total travel-distance of children. On the other hand, school capacity was not taken into account in the plan. Indeed, even after implementation of the plan, there are schools which are in need of an increase of capacity or left to have more underutilized capacity. It could be pointed out that the plan is not reasonable in terms of school capacity. Secondly, to elucidate impact of implementation of the plan on the region, political participation movements involving various actions and attitudes of local residents were examined. After the plan had been published, neighborhood movements were taken towards it by each primary school attendance area. Actions of opposition groups called as "Mamoru-kai" centered on these movements. The school reorganization, especially, confronted the acrimonious oppositions from parents. For these movements, by examining petitions submitted by local resident groups to the word assembly, it was elucidated that their attitudes reflected the localities in individual school attendance areas. These movements also had such a tendency that they were grouped by the two local areas, Kojimachi and Kanda. For example, whereas local resident groups in the Kojimachi area had been doing acrimonious opposite movements by addressing their school traditions, in the Kanda area underutilized capacity in the schools was so extreme that such movements less developed. In addition, a same tendency was identified for the consultative meetings on establishment of the "new-schools". And then common to entire Chiyoda Ward, other movement was occurred. It was stimulated by establishment of a federation consisting of "Mamoru-kai". In order to both integrate individual opposition movements and spread the integrated movement, the federation was established on February 29, 1992. One action of the integrated movement was to exercise their rights of direct claim. Three direct claims were submitted to the ward assembly in 1992-1993. However, two of them were rejected, while the remaining one resulted in a failure. Certainly, these direct claims submitted were against the school reorganization, but behind such a political process there was a distrust in now local politics of Chiyoda Ward. Then, the event reflecting this distrust was an establishment of opposition political party on October 22, 1992, and the movement had changed into more political because the party was composed of members of the federation. The first purpose of the party was