地理科学

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本稿では,日刊建設工業新聞社の「業者別土木完成工事高データ」を体系的に収集・整理し,建設業全体の完成工事高データでは実態を把握することが困難であった,戦後における全国土木業者の編成過程とその後の展開について分析した。分析の結果,以下の3点が明らかになった。1)戦時中の1944年時と2001・2002年度平均時の完成工事高を比較すると,最上位15社の土木業者の顔ぶれは変化していない。しかし,高度経済成長期における官民双方からの旺盛な土木需要の中で,8社が大きく完成工事高を伸長させ,完成工事高・ランクの両面において,これらの業者へのキャッチアップを果たす。その理由は,(1)政策的に国が大規模土木事業を担うことができる新規業者の育成を図った,(2)日本を代表する企業グループが自ら土木業に進出するようになった,(3)市場の拡大の中で,特殊な技術を持つ業者に成長の余地が生まれた,という3点による。戦時中に15社に続く規模であった土木業者の成長もあり,1970年代半ばまでに全国土木業者は約30社に増加した。2)高度経済成長の終焉によって,民間の大規模設備投資が急減すると,こうした事業において競争力を持っていた土木最大手の鹿島建設,大成建設,熊谷組の完成工事高が1970年代後半に大きく落ち込む。これらの業者の市場シェアにおける卓越性は失われ,全国土木業者間の規模格差は大幅に縮小する。3)高度経済成長期に急成長を遂げ全国土木業者の仲間入りを遂げた業者は,その後も市場シェアを保ち,完成工事高の面では,全国土木業者の地位を維持している。しかし,それは安値受注等によって実現したものと思われ,利益率は著しく低下する。一方,地方圏に本店を置く大規模な地場土木業者は,地盤地域中心の受注を維持することによって,その多くが高度経済成長期と遜色ない利益率を維持している。

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This paper aims to examine the transformation of the 'Gangneung Dano Festival (GDF)' and its relations with the local community, as it is utilized as a regional development strategy. The GDF had been handed down, preserved from the past until 1995, when the self-governing system started. But since then it has been used as a representative image for advertising Gangneung city. The movement to utilize the GDF in terms of place-marketing of Gangneung city has become more active after it was registered by UNESCO, and the organization was changed to be a private one. Local people did not, however, participate actively in the performances, so the commission has attempted to make the festival more popular. For this purpose, they made a new organization system of programs and entrusted them to local social clubs, and also made new events such as the 'rice dedication event' and 'deity welcoming parade'. As a result, the participation of local residents became rather high, especially after the GDF was registered by UNESCO. Meanwhile there has been high participation by local residents in the operation of stalls, however there have also been many problems such as disorder and pollution. The commission has tried to solve these problems, and although it has not yet been successful, efforts are ongoing. Based on this, it is clear that the original role of the GDF was to enhance local community welfare and unity, but now it has been transformed into a commercial project for regional development. In this process, the GDF becoming popular with overseas and out of area, it is thought that local people become to cooperate to the GDE.

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This paper focuses on the spatial dimensions of innovation (local, national, and supranational). By reviewing the debates about innovation in economic geography, the following findings are obtained. First, we adopt the "milieu" - external environment, which facilitates an informal knowledge flow - as a spatial unit, in order to elucidate local innovation systems. The existing study of national innovation systems emphasizes the framework of the national state. The concepts of proximity and the knowledge pipeline are important for investigating nonlocal and external inter-organizational relations. On the other hand, institutional settings, such as own national history and culture, play a critical role in knowledge transfer in the supranational or global systems of innovation. Second, this paper discusses the forms of knowledge base (analytical, synthetic, and symbolic) and the period of duration of industrial agglomerations (temporary or permanent), in order to present an analytical framework of the knowledge types that lead innovation. We suggest that innovation process in each industry depends on the characteristics of its own knowledge base. In addition, both local knowledge sources, such as highly skilled labor, and the non-local knowledge flow support the durable development of industrial agglomerations.

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