The Min dialects are known to have split off of from mainstream Chinese before the Middle Chinese period. This paper explores the implications of this split in terms of the possible relationship between Min and Old Chinese. Through a comparison of Norman’s Proto-Min reconstruction with the most recent Old Chinese reconstruction system of Baxter and Sagart,including references to early Chinese borrowings in Tai and Hmong-Mien,it is argued that Norman’s “softened initials” *-p and *-b have their origin in Old Chinese iambic nasal pre-initials, which developed into prenasalized initials.

在汉语的北方方言里，结果补语“着zháo”有表示“获取”事件的“着₁”和表示“受害”事件的“着₂”的两种用法。“着₁”与试图“获取某物”的动词“买”“借”结合在一起，表示“该物确实到手”的结果义。与此相比，表示“身体受到损伤”的“着₂”虽然意思较抽象，但它通过与“累”“冻”等词的结合不断制造出各种VtR(及物动词＋结果补语)，从而来表现“某种外界因素致使人们变化到该状态”的“受害”义。二者是“接触”义的“着zháo”在与“摸”“抓”和“撞”“砸”这两种不同的“接触”动词结合之中，由于语义的衍变而产生的用法。这种语义衍变可被称为是一种原因代替结果的转喻现象。

本文通过对照日语“AのはBだ”句考察了“A的是B”句使用上的特点。从跟语境的语义关系来看，“A的是B”句的焦点化可以分成“同定焦点化”“突出焦点化”和“对比焦点化”三种类型。同定焦点化的使用特点是，“A的是B”句的前项“A”所含信息量少，只起衔接的作用。突出焦点化的使用上经常出现使动表现和形容词。对比焦点化的特点是同时使用两个对比关系的“A的是B”句以增强表达效果。在语篇中，“A的是B”句具有话题展开功能，当“B”是“A”的潜主语时其话题功能比较强；而“B”是“A”的潜宾语时其话题功能相对较弱。令外，“A的是B”句还具备结束语段功能。

副词“更”经常出现在比字句(“X比YW”)中，一般认为它表示“程度进一步加深”。但仔细地分析语料中的实例就会发现有些比字句里的“更”字并不具有上述含义。本文对这种不表示“程度进一步加深”的副词“更”进行探讨，首先考察“更”字如何能够表示“程度进一步加深”这一问题，之后证明比字句中不表示“程度进一步加深”的“更”具有一种功能，即它能够改变听话人事前拥有的认识。本文认为正是此一功能使得副词“更”带有副词“还”所不具有的各个用法。

“You (有)” construction expressing appearance such as “对面有一对男女走过来” is used very frequently in modern Chinese. But there are few research studies about it. This paper examines “you (有)” construction expressing appearance, analyzing it’s semantic characteristics and pragmatic functions. It makes clear the differences between “you (有)” construction expressing appearance and the typical construction of appearance.

This paper presents a syntactic licensing condition in terms of dou-quantification in Mandarin Chinese. The licensing condition is generalized as follows: dou-quantification of α is possible iff the chain <αi, dou_i, e_i> is formed, in which α binds dou and dou binds the θ position of α. That is, a dou-quantified constituent α must c-command dou and dou must c-command the vP internal position of α in the structure. This study confirms the significance of θ position and shows that dou-quantification can only be licensed in the proper configuration of the licensor dou, dou-quantified element, and its θ position.

The paper describes the semantic structural patterns on the Qishi passages and analyzes its counter-expectation function, the negative function on pragmatic, information-gain function and text function. At first on the basic meaning Qi and Shi derived the counter-expectation semantic characteristic, and the counter-expectation derived the contrast function, and then the contrast function derived the text connective function. When connecting the two or some control items, Qishi will negate the above sentence while affirming the following sentence. The pragmatic mechanism of Qishi is to activate the required information, to replicate the implied context and increase the amount of information.