This study examines the discourse function of the English reason connective that’s why, based on the data from two corpora, COCA and CSPAE. Both quantitative and qualitative (i.e. hermeneutic) analyses are performed. It is argued that that’s why has a specialized function which belongs to the discourse-interactional layer, and it is shown that it serves to (re)activate the information already available in the preceding discourse as being especially valid for the speaker’s interactional move. It is conjectured that the analysis of a peripheral construction may benefit contrastive studies by singing out hitherto unnoticed functional domains.
The author has offered a theory that the basic flow of diachronic tonal value changes would make a circulation starting from a high level tone, then passing through a falling, a low level etc., a rising etc., recurring to a high level tone. Against this theory, some scholars have expressed opinions. The author states that these criticisms ignored the significance of assumptions in theoretical researches, or confounded synchronic alternations with diachronic changes, or mistook the theory for universal which will explain all the tone value changes. He notes this theory is not applicable to abrupt changes caused by extrinsic factors.
This study examines phonetic vs. phonological interpretations on the status of “Narrow Tone Sandhi” in Shanghai Chinese by analyzing acoustic phonetic data. The results show that 1) the faster the speech rate was, the smaller the size of pitch movements became, 2) contour shapes were preserved regardless of speech rates, and 3) although the tonal shapes of Yinping and Yinqu became relatively similar because of the pitch size reduction, most of the differences between the two pitch values were significant in all speech rates. These findings indicate that Narrow Tone Sandhi applies at the level of phonetics rather than phonology.
保存入声的山西方言中,分阴阳入的西部、中部和东南部方言,按照次浊入的归属又可分为两类。本文通过考察次浊入阴阳归属的地理分布,论山西入声的演变。先展示调类分合与调值分布的相关性,说明次浊入有归属于调值为低的调类的倾向。其地理分布呈现以晋中为中心的 ABA 分布。舒声的分布也呈现同样的分布,因此能视为晋中的声调体系的创新割断了西部和东南部的连续性。引起晋中的声调创新的原因可能有阴阳入的区别特征的变化、西南部的影响、声母的特征等。方言交界处经常出现存古与创新并存的语言特征,山西方言的入声也能视为其一种。了解晋南方言对晋中方言的影响,可以为我们提供山西方言以及其它北方方言演变的线索。
春秋战国时期的副词“其”过去一般被认为是表示〈推测〉〈祈使〉〈意志〉〈反问〉〈假设〉等的多义词。然而,魏培泉 1999: 261 指出“其”表示 irrealis(非真实)。本文赞同魏培泉的看法,并且以《论语》、《左传》及楚简的“其”的各种例句来验证魏培泉 1999 是妥当的。同时阐明“其”为多义词的原因。
本文考察了上海话中表示感叹的“覅太 AP 噢”结构,着眼于原表示制止的副词“覅”与“太”共现表达感叹这一现象,在指出前人研究的问题点的基础上,主张“覅”从“制止”到“感叹”的过程中经历了“推测”这一中间阶段。本文认为,“覅太 AP 噢”的功能是向听话人灌输“某事物具有超出说话人所能设想的范围的极高程度”这一主观判断,并要求听话人给与认同。由制止发展出推测用法并不罕见,而“覅”表示推测时确信度较低,“太”传达的确信度则很高,因此当“覅~噢”内嵌入“太 AP”时,“覅”的推测义被抑制,其人际功能被前景化。
本文依照句子所表达的事件特征,考察了汉语条件句中表示假设的连词的使用条件。此外还从话语语法的角度分析为何有些在语法上并不需要连词的条件句中会出现连词,并探究这些连词的话语功能。我们通过分析阐明,是否使用假设连词与说话人对事件实现可能性的认识有关。使用连词的条件句通常所表达的是违实事件这类实现可能性低的事件。与此相反,如果条件句所表达的是必然实现事件、惯性行为、原理原则等实现可能性高的事件,就不使用连词。但有时在事件实现可能性高的条件句中也会使用连词。我们发现在此情况下有一些连词除了带有它原来的“假设”义以外,还具有“提醒引入条件”的话语功能,提醒听话人注意将会有难以预测的“条件”被引进谈话中。
现代汉语里有一种将数词“一”置于谓词性词语前的结构。以前这种结构被认为是表示小量的,同时也被看做一种时态标志。但是这种看法无法对分布广泛的“一”的语义做出统一解释,也不能对各种语言事实进行合理的说明。本文抓住“一 V”有时受“这”修饰这一特点进行分析,发现“这/那+量词+名词”与“这+一+动词”结构是平行的:量词对名词承担了“个体化功能”;而“一”则对动词承担了同样的语法功能 (我们称之为“个别化功能”)。此外,由于“一”不与表示将要发生的“要”同现,所以它还隐含有“事件发生”这一语义,也就是说是将事件作为一整体看待。由此,我们也能够对动词短语中可以出现“了”和形容词等现象作出合理的解释。
本稿运用心理空间理论,明确了汉语表推论的传信语“看来”、“看上去”、“看样子”的区别。表推论的传信语“看+X”的特征为:表示推论结果的焦点空间必定有表示其根据的上位空间。“看来”与“看上去”的区别为以下两点:第一,“看上去”的基点与视点为同一空间,由此引发出焦点空间;而“看来”的基点、视点、焦点各自独立;第二,“看上去”只限于根据视觉得出的推论,而“看来”则无此限制。“看样子”与“看来”十分接近,大致可互换。但视点所占份量较重时多用“看样子”,基点与视点之间的推论联系所占比重较大时,“看来”更为贴切。最后,证实了一直以来被认定为传信语的“好像”与“看+X”有本质区别,该词并非传信语。
This paper examines the potential complement “-bu liao” with static adjectives. This form expresses inference, and has been considered an epistemic modal. Contrary to most existing research, the following points become clear from my analysis: (i) This form appears in the predicate position, in adnominal clauses and as adverbs. When quantity expressions are added to the first two configurations, the meanings of the negated adjectives are different. (ii) When these forms are combined, they communicate manner. When separate, they relate a logical deduction. This study reveals that the core meaning is evidentiality of the speaker’s recognition in the broadest sense.
一般认为,现代汉语中表示反复的格式“V 来 V 去”可分为三类:A 类表示带有位移的反复,B 类表示非位移反复,C 类为话语标记。然而,在“该怎样解释 A 类与 B 类之间的关联”、“为什么 A 类与 B 类功能上的差异如此之大”等问题上,以往的研究并没有加以充分考察。通过分析,本文得出了如下两点结论:一,A 类“V 来 V 去”有必要再细分为两个次类,这样才能合理地解释 AB 两类之间的关联性。二,A 类用来描述事物的空间位移,B 类则经过背景化而变为“复杂事件中的一个过程”,后面一般要带表结果的小句,究其原因,是因为 B 类表达的“质和量的充分性”这个意义本身就预期着结果性。