巻号一覧
2005 巻, 252 号
選択された号の論文の5件中1～5を表示しています
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Danqing LIU2005 年 2005 巻 252 号 p. 1-22
発行日: 2005/10/29
公開日: 2010/03/19
ジャーナル フリーThis paper is a cross-dialectal survey of Chinese negatives, focusing on morpho-syntactic features. The main observations are as follows. 1. It has been a universal rule in Chinese to have different words for general negation and possession/existence negation respectively. In Northern (and Middle Chinese), the two kinds of negatives are different with [p-/f-] for general negation and [m-] for possessive negation respectively whereas in the South both kinds are in the form of [m-]. 2. Grarnmaticalization makes negatives more general, hence lessening the size of the negative lexicon, while on the other hand, lexicalization has negatives fused with other words and brings about new negatives. The high text frequency of negatives weakens their phonetic forms, while stressing the negative meaning leads to reinforcement of negative forms. 3. Negative-predicate ordering is the only order seen in Chinese, which is true over time and across dialects. Some seemingly complicated cases do not in fact violate this order. 4. In Northwestern dialects, there is a strong tendency for the negative to be put immediately before the predicative verb/adjective despite its scope (e. g., 'very not good' means 'not very good'), which leads to a violation of the famous correlation between scope and order in Chinese. This should result from a head-attraction of clitics. 5. While Old Chinese employs bu and fou for the English adverbial not and the reply “no” respectively, the Mandarin negative bu serves both functions. Sometimes, bu can be analyzed either way. The double analyses could have lead to the reanalysis of bu as not into bu as no. However, in southern dialects like Wu, there are no negatives for no. It might be because adverbial negatives in those dialects never serve as a short reply thus cannot be reanalyzed this way. This constraint reflects a more general rule in these dialects, i. e., a verb, adjective or adverb alone can hardly function as a short independent sentence.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2953K) -
With the Scope of the Comparative Chinese Dialect GrammarZhiyun CAO2005 年 2005 巻 252 号 p. 23-35
発行日: 2005/10/29
公開日: 2010/03/19
ジャーナル フリーThis paper first introduces the main negatives of Tangxi dialect in Wu dialects. Based on this, it compares the negatives of Tangxi dialect with those of some dialects in Mandarin, Wu, Hui, Xiang dialects as well as Pinghua from phonetic, morphemic, and semantic angles. Finally, it discusses the origins and functions of sentence-final negatives. Some conclusions made in the paper follow as: phonetic reduction is one means of grammaticalization of negatives; negative concepts of bu (_??_), wei (_??_), wu (_??_) fall into three categories: trichotomy, diachotomy, and monochotomy in Chinese dialects; it is common that negative verb wu (_??_) extends to negative adverb wei (_??_) in Chinese dialects; sentence-final negatives usually result from positive-negative questions' omitting constituents after negatives; sentence-final negatives tend to change into interrogative modal particles.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (3829K) -
田窪 行則2005 年 2005 巻 252 号 p. 61-71
発行日: 2005/10/29
公開日: 2010/03/19
ジャーナル フリーIn this paper we review some basic facts of negation in Mandarin Chinese as determined by syntax. A negative morpheme generally has its sister position, i. e., its complement, as its scope. The basic semantic function of a negative morpheme is to give a complement set of the set denoted by the predicate in its scope. In the case of phrasal or sentential negation, the complement set can be given by associating negation with one of constituents in the scope, thereby giving the focus of negation. Given the head first and right branching structure of the predicate phrase in Chinese, it is expected that a phrasal negative element, such as bu and mei (you) has the VP, i. e., its right sister, as its scope and that the constituents in its left are to be outside its scope. Constituents to the left of negative morphemes cannot be negated, i. e. cannot be the focus of negation, while those in the right can.
There are some cases, however, in which constituents to the left of the negative morphemes appear to be in the scope of negation. In sentences such as ‘Shenme ye mei shuo.’ ((I) will not say anything.), the phrase ‘shenme ye’ appears to be in the scope of negation ‘mei’ in that it is interpreted as a negative polarity item, which is generally required to be in the scope of negation to be interpretable. We will show that phrases like these are not in the scope of negation, and that they are not negative polarity items and that the relevant interpretation can be obtained by treating them as universal quantifiers.
We will demonstrate that in Mandarin Chinese, and probably in other dialects of Chinese, the following holds, as are the case with other languages:
A. Negation scope is the sister constituent of the negative morphemes.
B. The focus of negation must be in the scope of negation.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1128K) -
池田 晋2005 年 2005 巻 252 号 p. 144-163
発行日: 2005/10/29
公開日: 2010/03/19
ジャーナル フリーPDF形式でダウンロード (2361K) -
描写対象の認知体系に着目して井出 克子2005 年 2005 巻 252 号 p. 164-183
発行日: 2005/10/29
公開日: 2010/03/19
ジャーナル フリーPDF形式でダウンロード (2206K)
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