Main purpose of this article is to scrutinize the method to investigate “Adolescence” from the standpoint of sociology of education. As the student of sociology of education, our interest should be focused on the process of socialization in adolescence, not on the psychological or physiological phenomena peculiar to adolescence. Adolescence is the transitional step from childhood to adulthood, and its span is determined by the socio-cultural context in a given society. As an index of attaining to adulthood, we may use “adult competence” concept which means success in adult roles. But which component of adult competence is dominant, differs from one society to another, and also age fit for adult competence is not constant. Furthermore, the span or sphere of adolescence depends upon the participation in youth group and social class position which the youth occupy. Among other things, according to whether the youth have the opportunity of the secondary or higher education or nct, the youth are at least divided into two groups, namely, working youth group and student group. It can be said that there are two kinds of adolescence. In order to grasp positively these many aspects of adolescence, and to account for the process of socialization in adolescence, it is rather necessary to analyze specifically the structure and function of youth group. It is not so productive to discuss generally the over-all phenomena of adolescence as problems of generation. Essentially, youth groups are typed in relation to the age grading system of community or society, A type linking with age grating system and type B not linking with it. And both groups are further divided into six (or eight) types. The socializing processes in these youth groups are determined by three variables, that is, (a) external system, (b) institutional value and (c) internal organization, of youth group. The more detailed theoretical model for analyzing the socialization in adolescence needs further exploration.
Many junior and senior high school graduates are flowing into big industrial areas such as Tokyo, Osoka and Kanagawa, as labor force from rural areas in Tohoku and Kyushu every year. This article tries to bring to light the process by which such youth adjust themselves to their new life and form a stable system of life, based mainly on the result of the survey administered to 1, 435 male young workers aged 16 to 24 in the small and medium sized enterprises in the City of Kawasaki, Kanagawa Prefecture. The article consists of four parts:(1) Part I analyses the functions of formal mechanisms to help the young workers adjust themselves to their new life, in terms of vocational guidance at school, labor management by each enterprise, and provisions for youth in the local communities.(2) Part II grasps the process of adjustment as that of formation of a stable system of life, i.e. life structure. Such process, the principal part of which is concerned with human relations, is analysed for each of the two types of groups, membership group and reference group.(3) Part III examines the process of adjustment from the point of consciousness and attitude of the youth toward their present life, i.e. their plan for the future, the extent to which they are satisfied with their life, and desire to change their occupations.(4) In the last and fourth part, some of the policy tasks which can be drawn from the results of the survey are presented. It can be concluded from the above analyses that the formal mechanisms to assist in the adjustment is not functioning sufficiently, leaving many of the young workers in the state of maladjustment to their present life. If such situation is to be improved, further efforts are repuired of schools, enterprises, and local communities.
Present situation of political socialization In elementary and secondary schools in Japan, political socialization is being done mainly in the social studies education for the purpose of cultivating political culture, from the standpoint of political neutrality, which is provided by the School Education Law to be observed in school education. Such education aims at cultivating cooperative attitude toward democracy, by making pupils learn democratic organization and operation of polity, according to the Japanese Constitution and through comparing it with presidential system and socialistic polity. Under political party systm, however, the political neutrality in education is a contradiction and a strained balance on one hand. On the other hand, however, obedient attitude due to process of politicization in education and the backwardness of politics in Japan are ref tlected in the tendency toward political apathy, conservatism and self-interest of youth. Political consciousness of youth According to the result of public opinion polls which have been conducted for the last six years, many young people in their twenties are pro-Conservative Party. The political consciousness of such youth is not sufficiently mature. On the surface, they are progressive, but they are satisfied, in their consciousness toward life, with their private lives, have little knowledge of basic principles of democracy and policies of political parties, and have uncertain attitude as to the support of political party. There are progressive people who point out the structural mechanisms of political rottenness in Japan and insist on t he improvement of political constitution. But they are university students and other intellectual minority, whose opinion and action tend to be formal and impractical. Youth and Political education Under democracy it is to be required in future that political parties, economic organizations, labor unions and others provide youth with systematic and formal political education. If this is to be full achieved, it is important for scientific research and surveys on the organization, operation and content of political education for youth to be made. Thus it is necessary to establish a methodology for such research and surveys.
This paper tries to analyse the value-consciousness of modern youth in Japan who were born in and after 1940, and educated under the 1947-New-Frilira tint, Art. I used both quantitative and qualitative-data. The quantitative data were obtained from available statistical data, and the qualitative data were collected by questionnaire method of personal interview type which I maee for this paper. “Ideal-type” of Value-Consciousness, to be used in analysis as a frame of reference, is as shown in the figured above As a result of the analysis, it was clarified that the value-consciousness of modern youth was the complex of self-utilizing consiousness and selfsafegurding consciousness, with the direction from the former to the latter.
In a rapidly changing industrial society, the “natural process” of education in the family is no longer adequate. It has been replaced by a more formalized institution-school system. With the expansion and upgrading of education, more and more children are segregated over longer span of time from adult society. This will naturally result in the emergence of adolescent subculture different from adult culture. In a traditional thinking, the problem of education was life-adjustment versus academic emphasis. It means the differentiation of humanly oriented and academically oriented learning. In these days, however, the differentiation takes place in terms of achievement, and the salient characteristic of Japanese society reinforces it. In Japan, the most highly evaluated element in occupational and status system is educational attainment (Gakureki). The graduates of the first class colleges have better chance for the higher occupational and social status than the others. Such a ranking natually leads to a competition for the first class colleges. And it is evident that a high school of academically oriented climate will have advantage for those colleges. Consequently, the competition for higher status moves into the phase of the high school. Those who have entered the first class high schools may have better chance for first class colleges than those having entered the lower high schools, who may have some chances only for the colleges of lower level or none. Such situation will bring the def ferentiation of behavior patterns and value-attitudes among high school students, which is our working hypothesis. We selected seven high schools according to academic grade for our purpose, and made research by questionnaire method. The resust verified our hypothesis in some degree. In a word, students are differentiated in three directions: academic, adaptive and hedonistic. Characteristics of students suTveyed can be stated typologically as follows: (1) Students in the high school of the highest rank. inner-directed type. autonomous. academically oriented. (2) Students in the high school of the second highest rank. most adaptive to adult norms. somewhat submissive. (3) Students in the high school of middle rank: some submissive and some defiant. feel dilemma between adult control and hedonistic need. (4) Students in the high school of lowest rank: regressive or somewhat delinquent. withdrawal from adult norms focussing on sex-interest and hedonism.
I should like to say two following matters. (1) It admits of no question that the studies of educational sociology about adolescence, ought to consider the problems of “socialization” and “deviation”, which are characteristically developed among younger generation. But we should not regard “socialization” as “comformity”, and “deviation” as directly related to delinquency. Especially, their proper attitude to new value should sufficiently be appraised. (2) The problems of “student” and “working youth”, have been traeted separately in the studies of educatioal sociology about younger generation. But school education ond aut-of-school education must be closely united together, in the reorgonization of education for younger generation. I believe this is one of the important subjetes of educational sociology about adolescence in Japan
This articls aims to analyse interrelationships among boy's social origin, school achievement, educational attainment and delinquency, based on the result of the research project entitled “Comparative Study on Adolescent Delinquency in Industrial Societies” planned by Jackson Toby, an American sociologist. The project aims to compare subcultural delinquency in several sccieties in relation to the attitude of young people, and their sccial origin and educational attainment. Problem; In this interrelationships among adolescent delinquency are treated as a dependent variable, differential attitude toward education (educational attainment, school achievement) as intervening vasiables and boys' sccio-economic background as an independent variable. Procedure; 6172 boys born in 1942 selected from graduating classes of 30 public junior high schools in Tokyo were traced back to their attitude toward J. H. S. education, educational career and delinquent acts recorded by the police. Results; I. Of the 6172 J. H. S. graduates, 415 boys were arrested by police by the time they reached 20 years of age. Rate of delinquency was 6. 7%. II. Rate of delinquency i) by sccial class ii) by educational attainment and iii) by school achievement in J.H.S. are shown in Tables 1, 2, and 3. i) Larger per cent of boys from bluecollar families than from white collar families have records of delinquency. ii) Higher the educational attainment of boys the less likely they have delinquent records. iii) The lower the school achievement of boys in J. H. S., the more likely they have delinquent records. III. Figures 1, 2, and 3 show the interrelationships i) between sccial origin (S. O) and educational attainment (E. A) and delinquency (D)., ii) betweend S. O and school achievement (S. A) and D., iii) between E. A S. A and D. i) Difference of delinquent rate (d. r) by E.A within the same S.0 is larger then by S. O within same E. A. ii) Difference of d.r. by S. A within same S. O is larger than by S. O within same S. A. iii) Difference of d.r. by S.A within same E. A is larger than by E. A. within same S. A. IV. Figures 4 indicates associations of each pair in terms of coefficient. S. O-D: 0.10, E. A-D: O. 17, and S. A-D: O. 22, S. O -E.A: 0.45, S. O-S. A: 0.23 and E A-S. A: 0.55.
There seems to be two oPPosite views on the relationship betweeen sccial class and educational opportunity in modern Japan. The one emphasizes that Japanese education was very “class bound”, and the other denies it. These views are common in that they are assumptions which lack sufficient empirical data to confirm their points. This paper attempts to verify these assumptions, concentrating on the opportunity to the secondary schools. We have presented and analysed four groups of unpublished data concerning the distribution of the secondary school pupils by sccial background. They are;(A) Enrollment ratio and level of primary school by fathers' cccupation (1883-1891);(B) Fathers' status (the samurai class or not) of the secondary school pupils (1886-1898);(C) Fathers' occupation of secondary school entrants (1904-1939); and (D). Types of post-primary schools in which ordinary primary school graduates in 1936 were enrolled. We can conclude that the educational opportunity in modern Japan was actually open to the comparatively lower class. It must be remembered that lowest 255 in terms of family income were almost perfectly shut out fromaccess to secondary education. In this sense, both of the assumptions suffer from lack of perspective.
Durkheim consecrated himself to the scientific study of social phenomena, desiring to contribute to the moral consolidation of the Third Republic, which was to be achieved by a lay system of popular education. Then, what sort of a process should be education? Durkheim set forth his conception of education in a criticism of «lesped'dgogues modernes», Mill, Spencer, Kant, and Herbart. He thought that they took education not as a creation process as he himself believed, but solely as an auxiliary process for natural self-development of each individual's inherent constitution. Then, he intended to construct another theory by employing a conception that individual consciousness has two factors, individual (or personal) and social, and that education should affix purposively the social to the individual. He did not enter into details, but rather suggested a principle only. The purposive affixing (education) could not be done without researching into the social needs for education i.e. social factors to be affixed, educational systems as social institutions, and into the mentality of infants. These researches must be accomplished strictly scientifically, which was the task of «science del'education», especially, of sociology, «science des institutions sociales». In his proposition, we find an «elementary form» of educational sociology.