教育社会学研究
Online ISSN : 2185-0186
Print ISSN : 0387-3145
ISSN-L : 0387-3145
24 巻
選択された号の論文の12件中1~12を表示しています
  • 松原 治郎
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 2-14,en227
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    The concept of “Social Mobility” is considered to mean, in general, as defined by P. A. Sorokin, that social things or values move from a certain social position to other social positions. However, I do not deal with such conception of “Social Mobility, ” instead, I focus on how an individual moves socially or how his social position changes between the generations of a family. Namely, here social mobility means the transition of an individual or a family from one social stratum to another. The social stratum, in this sense, includes a concept of “region.” Regional mobility is considered at the same time.
    In this case, the following two points are taken into consideration as a way of analysis: First of all, regarding “education” as an independent variable and “social mobility” as a dependent one, (a) a fact that the ascending of the educational standard and the tendency for higher school career increase the social mobility and (b) a fact that the tendency for higher school career in turn brings the descending phenomenon of an occupational ladder which makes the rising tendency of stratum slow. Because of the social mobility of the persons who have a long school career, regional differences become a problem.
    Secondly, regarding “social mobility” as an independent variable and “education” as dependent one, it is clarified that the social mobility of population causes a new educational problem in both an overpopulated area and depopulated one.
  • 岩内 亮一
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 15-28,en227
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the studies on “occupational mobility and education in Japan, ” it has been commonly recognized that acquiring a higher level of education guarantees the upward mobility in the occupational life. High status corresponding to high level of education, which has been prevailing in industrial management as Japanese seniority system based on academic career and long-term service in one firm, has been over-stressed in these studies.
    This essay tries to explore how to consider the role of academic career. in occupational success in the changing society through discussing the following three points.(1) Over-assessment of academic career as a qualification has neglected the function of the “ability” of a person which results an upward occupational mobility. So the necessity of taking account of ability as an indispensable factor in the study is indicated.(2) Recent trends in industrial society, especially the rise of meritocracy in personnel management and the increase of occupational mobility of white collar employees, show the changes of some factois which have underlied the seniority rule.(3) The changes of occupational structure will give a great impact upon the role of formal education as occupational training as well as the traditional pattern of promotion system in firms.
  • 達成動機の問題を中心にして
    山村 賢明
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 29-44,en226
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    The social mobility in industrial society might be brought about by various factors. However, there must be at least social norms which positively approve the mobility on the cultural level. And also there must be socialization process which internalizes those norms and makes members of society mobility-oriented.
    The deferred gratification theory can get meaning in this context. Though they have much wider perspectives than social mobility, researches on “achievement motivation” by McClelland and his associates focuses more directly on the personality factor in mobility.
    The researches of that type in Japan such as by Prof s. Hayashi and.Yasuda, however, don't seem to coincide with McClelland's anticipation and results. I think the main reason for this is the concept of achievement motivation itself should be bound by American culture. As the concept is based on the individualistic and self-assertive culture of highly competitive American society, it could easily be correlated with independence and self-reliance training. But culture like Japanese which has non-individualistic and so to say “other-involving” orientation, and “passive socialization” as well as appreciation of “amae” relationship in that culture, might show the possibility of achievement (motivation). that doesn't necessarily associate with independence training.
    Then I proposed that such weakness of psychological study of achievement motivation should be offset by the sociological approach to the motivation as C. W. Mills suggests. From this position, the study of mobility motivation as the consequence of socialization will be considered more productive.
  • 社会移動過程の一位相としてみた中学校生活
    松本 良夫
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 45-61,en225
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article aims to examine the attitude of boys in Junior High School in relation to socio-economlic background of their families of orientation and educational career they hope to attain. Especially I focused on the rebellious attitude assumed by boys who did not desire to go on to higher educational stage. Data got from two research projects in which. I participated were examined. The one is a research on life organization of Junior and Senior High School students in Tokyo administered in 1967. The other is a socio-pychological research of boys born in 1950 in Tokyo administered in 1965
    Results;
    1) Most boys had decided their educational future by the period of their 14-or-15-year-old. Nearly half of them hoped to go on to college. Boys who were to finish their educational career at J. H. S. are only about 12%.(Fig.*1). The aspiration to educational attainment depended upon not only their school achievement but also their socio-economic background.(Table. 3)
    2) The ratio of boys who expressed rebellious behavior in school was influenced by their desire to educational attainment. This ratio was higher for boys who have low aspiration.(Tables. 4, 5, 6). Differences of the ratio of rebellious boys by social origin were due to the differences of aspiratin to educational attainment by social orign.
    3) Percentage of rebellious responses to some biased questions such as “school teachers are unfair” was higher for boys who were not to go on to S. H. S.(Tables. 7, 8, 9)
    4) The ratio of rebellious boys who did not desire to go on to S. H. S. by their fathers' occupation and their aspiration for educational and occupational attainment was calculated. For the boys who hoped to attain their occupatonal status higher than their fathers'status, the ratio was 22% in comparison with 43% for boys who hoped the same kind of occupation with their fathers' and 53% for boys who hoped lower occupation than their fathers'.(Table.10).
  • 深谷 昌志
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 62-76,en224
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. It is often argued that Japan was modernized by the spread of education. School functioned as an institution to select talented people irrespective of blood or social status. But higher education was not open to women as a general rule.
    2. The analysis that I made on the characteristics of women of high class, based on the “chronicle of women, ” shows that the ratio of housewives to working women was 94 fo 6 in 1908. This ratio changed to 82 to 18 in 1958, which indicates a marked increase in working women.
    3. That the names of the housewives in a high society are listed in the chronicle is due to the high social status of their husbands. Therefore, this status of women can be regarded as a latent one. Eighty-seven per cent of such women, however, were graduated from girls' high school. It is to be noted that high educational attainment was also considered important for women.
    4. In the Meiji Era, teachers and nurses were the two major occupational careers of women. Gradually, women became medical doctors, college professors, or Diet members. But there is still a difference in opportunities between sexes.
    5. With the advance of industrialization, it has become increasingly necessary to develop women's abilities. Conditions necessary for women to go out for work are becoming increasingly favorable. Therefore, it is expected that it will become usual for women to continue to work even after marriage. When this becomes a reality, it would be possible for women to have a real status, of their own.
  • 天野 郁夫
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 77-93,en223
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    Institutions of higher education in Japan produced “highly educated manpower” amounting to about 40, 000 in number, in the last quater of the nineteenth century or the first stage of modernization. This article aims to analyze the characteristics which those highly educated manpower had as a group and also to elucidate the roles that higher education played in promoting social mobility in the beginning stage of modernization of Japan.
    (1) Educational characteristics: Of highly educated manpower produced from 1876 to 1900 (40, 135), 45% were graduated from national and local public institutions, and 55% from private institutions. The highest 43% of them studied social sciences, followed by 36% for medical sciences and 10% each for humanities and natural sciences. Eighty per cent of graduates from social sciences specialized in law. To be noted is the fact that only 12% were university graduates, the remaining being graduates of professional schools.
    (2) Social classes: Many of the graduates from higher education at this stage of development were from the samurai class. Especially in national institutions, more than half of their graduates were of the samurai origin, while in private institutions, nearly 70% were commoners. The proportions of graduates from the samurai class differed from one field of study to another: They were comparatively high in the fields of law and engineering, while more than half were commoners in the medical field from the beginning.
    (3) Social allocations: In the beginning of the twentieth century, graduates from institutions of higher learning were allocated to each occupation as follows: Almost half of the graduates of the Tokyo Imperial University became government officials, , while only 17% sought their employment in industry. Nearly 40% of the graduates from engineering department, however, entered employment in industry. More than half of the graduates from national professional schools were already employed by enterprises. For private institutions, the Keio produced many industrialists (35%) and small independent enterprisers (26%), and the Waseda turned out many journalists and political leaders at the local level. The other private institutions (mostly law schools) trained judicial officers, low-level government officials, lawyers, and local middle level-leaders.
    The above analysis indicates that there was distinctive relationship in the early stage of development between social classes, institutions of higher education and occupational structures; i. e. the samurai class which had been governing the feudalistic society, found their way through national institutions into modern occupations, among others, government officials and various government enterprises. On the other hand, the bourgeois class in urban and rural areas went into independent professional occupations, small independent enterprises, low level government officials, and private enterprises which were growing in those days.
  • 近代日本の精神形成研究・覚書
    門脇 厚司
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 94-110,en222
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    I have been interested in analyzing the process of mental formation in Japan, and noticed that to analyze the process of Japanese mental formation means to analyze the consciousness on Risshin-Shusse of youth.
    This paper is a report of some of the results which I have been studying from the viewpoint described above. It has two aims. One is the description of some hypotheses on structure and function of Risshin-Shusse in Japan, and the other the verif ication of some of them.
    The outlines of the hypotheses, which I think of proving some other times, are as follows;
    (1) The conceptions “Risshin” and “Shusse” had different meanings originally. The former meant the self-realization or self help, to use the term of S. Smiles, and the latter the upward mobility of status or pyramid climbing, to use the term of V. Packerd.
    (2) These two conceptions came to have the same meaning through the Meiji period. Toward the end of Meiji, Risshin-Shusse meant the process of increasing the extent to which a person commits himself (Watakushi) to the establishment (Oyake).
    At about the same time, Shusse was divided into two kinds. One was the substantial Shusse, which was to gain high position, wealth, and prestige. The other was the ideal Shusse, which meant the acquisition of admiration from the person at the highest position (Emperor in Japan) without gaining substantial value.
    (3) And, Rissin-Shusse-ism functioned as a main drive to develop industry in Japan, as the protestant ethics had driven capitalism in Europe.
    Next, I verified some hypotheses by analyzing the historical data. As a result of the analysis, I found that after about the middle of Meiji period, the conception Risshin and Shusse changed gradually, and near the end of Meiji, the two concepts came to have the same meaning, that is, upward mobility of status without self-realization.
  • 県外流出に関する事例研究
    原田 彰
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 113-125,en221
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    (1) 一般的にいって、高等教育学歴を獲得した者は、出身地域から流出する傾向がみられる。もちろん、それは職業や地域の特性によってかなり差異がある。また東大、京大、その他の帝大、東京の私大、地元の工専等の学校がそれぞれ地域移動に対して演ずる役割には差異がある.
    (2) 地方の出身地域を離れて大都市で成功した人たちには、二つのタイプがある。一つは、有利な学歴なしに上昇移動して「名士」と呼ばれうる地位を獲得したものであり、他は、高等教育学歴を獲得したのち、主として官僚制的昇進によって高い地位に到達したものである。この調査では、前者は少なく、後者が優勢となっている。大都市に移動する独立自営型の人物は、土着のものにくらべて、土台づくりからはじめなければならないというハンディキャップがあり、それだけ冒険心、強い意志を必要とするが、その成功は偶然的なチャンスに左右されやすいのであろう.
    (3) 出身地域にとどまる「名士」たちのなかにも、有利な学歴所有者がいないわけではない。彼らは、大学教授、医師などとなって出身地域内に定着しているが、それとともに注目されるのは中央とのつながりという点で重要な意味をもつ県の要職などに地位を占めている者がいることである。しかし、それらの地位も、県内出身者よりはむしろ中央官庁から送り込まれる県外出身の有利な学歴所有者によって占められる傾向にある.
  • 奈良教育大卒業生の追跡研究
    深谷 昌志, 深谷 和子
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 126-139,en220
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    Today in Japan, it is said that the percentage of women who keep on sticking to their post is rather low; this is even true with women who try to get professional jobs after graduating from college as well as those who try to get clerical jobs or jobs related to service after leaving school This is due to such circumstances as marriage, delivery, and childcare. As a matter of course, reasonable systems and institutions should be considered for protecting working women. But under the existing circumstances, almost all the women have been working under unfavorable conditions. Then what kinds of individual conditions are contributing to the retirement or continued service of women? We investigated on women teachers who are considered to be enjoying the most advantageous and stabilized status among all women workers.
    Purpose of investigation and its method:604 women who graduated from Nara Teacher's College under the new system were selected by randomsampling, Printed questionnaires were sent to them and after a little while were sent back. Fifty-five per cent of them were collected. The survey was conducted in January 1968.
    Result:(1) Sixty-six per cent of examinees were married; 46 per cent of the graduates married within three years after they entered teaching profession. Moreover, 86 per cent of them had first child within two years after marriage; 57 per cent of their husbands were teachers; and if other workers, such as public servants and salaried men; 90 per cent of all their husbands were whitecollar workers including public officials and other salaried men as well as teachers. That is, “the teaching profession” may safely be said to be rather advantageous job for women in terms of marriage, delivery, and so forth. So it might be allowed to say that they could get along.
    (2) But, under the existing circumstances, in spite of such a convenient condition, 20 per cent (63 women) did not stay in office.
    (3) The difference between those two groups, those who still stay in office and those who quit their jobs, will be seen in the following conditions;
    I. Surroundings
    (a) That their husbands are teachers.
    (b) That their husbands are in favour of wives' staying in office.
    (c) That when the first child was born, they could live together with their parents.
    These must be favorable conditions for working women to stay in office.
    II. Mental conditions
    (a) Between those two groups, there are no significant differences as to whether they chose Nara Teacher's College because they truly wished to become teachers, or against their will.
    (b) As a result of investigation on how earnestly they studied from elementary school up to college, the following can be mentioned: those who were in staying group either had studied very hard or had been idle, while those who were in quitting group had not been so diligent.
    (c) Those who are in staying group had hardly been interested in womanly plays in their childhood, such as playing at housekeeping and playing with a doll. It might safely be said that those who were in staying group have less womanliness.
    (d) Many women teachers in both staying and quitting groups do not worry much about scholastic achievements and abilities of their children.
    (e) Their educational points of view may be divided into four types as follows;
    It was found that a high percentage of women teachers in quitting group are motherly teachers while many of those in staying group have raional thinking about education.
    Conclusion:It is sure that teaching profession is an advantageous is for women, but if they really wish to go on working, they should get out of conventional notion, and to some degree, should relinquish womanliness. That is to say, it will be necessary for us to regard them not as women teachers but as teaching staff members.
  • 天野 正子
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 140-157,en218
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article aims to grasp the process of professionalization of teaching as an occupation from two aspects: specialization and autonomization. Conclusively, teaching is regarded as an occupation still “in the process of professionalization” or “marginal” among various occupations aiming at professionalization, or as a “semi -profession, ” because two important features of professional occupations, highly specialized knowledge and techniques and a considerable autonmy for occupational activities of individual teachers and of teachers as a group, are still unsubstantial. If teaching is to be professionalized, it is not sufficient to provide only institutional guarantee for specialization and autonomization, but teachers themselves should also be determined to turn this institutional guarantee into a reality.
    This realization led me to analyze the structures of consciousness of teachers who are the most immediate professionals to assume the responsibility for realizing the specialization and autonomization of teaching, on the basis of the findings of the survey administered by myself to 374 elementary and lower secondary school teachers in K City of K Prefecture.
  • 木村 保茂
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 158-176,en217
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this report is to examine the existing form of building craftsmen mainly from the viewpoint of the craftsmen labor.
    1) The change in the production method has influenced the character of building craftsmen's skills and produced the collective educational form, namely co-operative vocational training in business. At the same time, the character of skill which is based on manual arts could make the skill in selfcontroled craftsman group much higher.
    2) The piecemaster system which you can see in Nochoba (where they build large-scale buildings) has been destroyed on account of the simplycity of substances of.labor and the shortage of building craftsmen. Piecemaster craftsmen (Sewayaku) have become foremen and on the other hand there has occured the division of craftsmen who engaged only in Nochoba (especially, frame-making craftsmen).
    3) Sub-contract business which was changed from piecemaster in Nochoba has controlled subordinate craftsmen relatively and have enlarged business scale, while piecemaster craftsmen have become foremen.
    4) In the case of machiba craftsmen (who make small-scale buildings like houses), the simplification of skills, due to the change in productive method, has produced the tendency to change machiba craftsmen into simple laborers.
    5) This change of machiba craftsmen has not prevented craftsmen from changing into master. Even if a craftsman is able to become a small master (the scale from 1 to 10 persons), he cannot always have work, and sometimes he is forced to work under another big master as employed craftsman. Thus, the change of craftsmen into wage earners has occurred with disappearance of small masters.
    6) Finally, you can notice that it has very little possibility that the position of master itself will develop or rise. The smaller masters are, the less the possibility of enlargement of business scale becomes. Even if they can enlarge their business scale, the stability depends on relative condition and has the tendency of failure.
  • その育児様式との関連における分析
    石津 任子
    1969 年 24 巻 p. 177-189,en216
    発行日: 1969/10/10
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    An attempt is made in this article to investigate “reliance-upon-others, ” one of the characteristics which is strongly marked in the national character of the Japanese people, in special reference to the child-rearing pattern in Japan.
    To begin with, what is the national character? Many Japanese scholars have already discussed this problem, mainly from historical, literary and philosophical standpoints. The question, however, is to be answered through considering it as closely related to personality of the individual, society, and culture. The writer, linking up with the American trends, discusses this problem from the standpoint of cultural anthropology, especially from that of culture and personality. The writer tries to point out the fact that, despite the differences of the standpoints and methods used in these analyses, “reliance-upon-others” is to be looked on as a basic characteristic of the national character of the Japanese people. And by way of examination of the process in which the characteristic permeates into personality of each individual, the process or factors of the formation of personality, the significant features of the child rearing pattern in Japan are considered as fundamentally important. The writer, after theoretically studying the connection between the child-rearing pattern and the national character, investigates the relation of the characteristic of “reliance-upon-others” in the national character of the Japanese people to the child-rearing pattern.
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