教育社会学研究

社会化再考

青井和夫

1976 年 31 巻 p. 5-16,en208
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.5

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How is it possible that the individual socialized in a particular society reforms that society? This is a central problem of socialization theory.
1) In his theory of Identity, E. Erikson integrated two functions of socialization: gratification of social functional requisite, namely “maintenance of social order”, and gratification of individual functional requisite, namely “independence of individual as self-controlled system”. The change of his developmental task from Identity to Integrity seems to me to mean that the final form of socialization is the “socialization for death”.
2) In case of the linguistic socialization, there is no contradiction between, the acquisition of a fixed and abstract rule of language (grammer) and the acquisition of creativity to make infinite varieti esof sentences (speech). The aim of linguistic socialization is to give a concrete particular form to the human universal linguistic competence or universal communicative competence. The linguistic socialization, therefore, is the prototypeof all kinds of socialization. The internalization of social values, norms, and rules is nothing but a precondition for individual creativity, activity, and subjectivity.
3) Nevertheless, in case of oversocialized or undersocialized person, it is necessary to extinct or reinforce the conditioning of socialization. For this purpose, first of all, effects of completed socialization have to be dissolved. This dissolving effort is the first step of psychoana lysis and psychotherapy. I would like to name this dissolving effort “desocialization”.
4) According to A. Schutz, our multiple realities can be divided into three main worlds daily life world (pragmatic horizon), scien-tific world (objective horizon), and transcendental world (transcendental horizon). These worlds seem to correspond respectively wit hworlds in which the primary socialization, the secondary socializatio n, and the adult socialization are carried out.
In conclusion, the aim of adult socialization (or, elderly socialization) must be not only “maintenance of social order” and “independence of individual”, but also “reformation of existing social order” and “preparation for death”. It will be one of future problems of socialization how to integrate the concept of “desocialization” or “transcendental socialization” into socialization theory.

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親子関係と子どもの社会化

佐藤カツコ

1976 年 31 巻 p. 17-28,en209
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.17

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We can recognize that a big change in these several decades in the structure and the size of the Japanese families and their economic conditions have greatly affected the function of socialization of the family. By using the result of 1970 National Census Data, we first have considered the features of the families that have children aged below six and below eighteen in order to know surroundings of the families in which Japanese children grow.
It was found out that two-thirds of all the families that have children are nuclear families, and the rest one-third stem families. The proportion of nuclear family is extremely large in urban areas, but in rural areas stem family constitutes more than 50 percent. Nuclear family is a small family with four members on the average. Stem family, on the other hand, has a little more than six members. As high as about 80 percent of the families that have children are engaged in the non-agricultural jobs.
The fact that one-third of all the children live in the stem families, or living with their grand-parents, shows the necessity to make clear the mechanism of the child socialization processes in this type of family. When we consider the structural features of Japanese society and the features of the structural principles which lie in the groups in Japan, we notice that even in the contemporary Japanese society, there still remains the human relations and its behavioral patterns which are characteristics of the stem family. Therefore, to reconsider the socialization function in the traditional family is usefull to investigate the problems of socialization of the Japanese.
We analysed the socialization processes of the Japanese based on the concept of “Amae”, which Dr. Doi has pointed out. As the behavioral patterns of the Japanese largely depend on psychological “Amae”, Japanese children learn how to express and control “Amae” in their socialization processes. “Amae”is most frequently observed in mother-child relationships at infant stage. That is the reason why Japanese people regard mother-child relationships important. Nuclear families which are increasing in number in modern Japan, have suitable structure for learning “Amae”, but they don't have the structure to control over“Amae” after infant stage.

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青年期の教育と社会化

柴野昌山

1976 年 31 巻 p. 29-39,en210
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.29

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This article presents a case for the usefulness of the concept of autonomous socialization when analyzing personality formation and youth education. It is fruitful to make a distinction between “sociality” which is conditional over the normal socialization process by the functional requisites of the social system and “autonomous or selfsocializing” “competence” which is aquired through social interaction and spontaneous actions.
The author also re-examines the changing meanings of role-moratorium and proposes the hypothesis that participating in the boundarymaintaining group as voluntary association gives a frame of reference for establishing the identity formation because the identity formation is the “problem of locating oneself in the system”. Secondly the proper institutionalization of social solidarity and reorganization of informal education are essential to the recent prolonged period of moratorium under the over-conforming and stereotyped pressure toward youth.

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日本人における成人社会化の基本特性

社会的経歴の分析を通して

浜口恵俊, 徳岡秀雄, 今津孝次郎

1976 年 31 巻 p. 40-53,en211
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.40

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This paper aims at clarifying the “emic” features of adult socialization in the Japanese. The case studies of their social careers seen from interpersonal nexus were carried out. We found that their careers, in typical cases, were entirely influenced by their personal relationships with seniors, bosses, and sponsors, in both external (occupational) and internal (moral) aspects. Therefore, their career pattern was named “Jen (interhuman)” type in contrast to the western self-reliant “individualistic” form. The adult socialization in the Japanese is also deeply rooted in the Japanese value of “Jen-ism”, the counterpart of which is the “individualism” of Westerners.
We define socialization as the social process which leads to “morphostasis” and/or “morphogenesis” in the social system consisting of individual members, by way of the mediate process of their social learning and personality development. It means the process by which the social system could be ensured in terms of personnel or manpower resources to achieve its own functional requisites to maintenance or advancement. And so it is the main effect of adult socialization for adult members to make a functional contribution to the achievement of social requisites mentioned above by means of reorganizing their own personal identities. Adult socialization is not an anticipatory socialization, but a “retrospective socialization” having a feedback property. Analysis of social careers would be the methodological strategic base for the study of that socialization.
The points to be examined in the individual social career as relational locus in a human nexus are as follows:(1) the human factors affected to his turning points of life, (2) his significant or referent persons and their sponsorship, (3) his belief-value system on human beings and human relation. “Social careers” is by no means a culture-bound conception peculiar to the Japanese, but a universal one adaptable for westerners as well.
In this paper we analyzed the case of Buzaemon ShindO (high official of governmental corporations) as a typical “Jen” type of career being modal in the Japanese, as contrasted to the exceptional case of Saburti Hirata (Japanese physician emigrated to the United States) as a representative “individualistic” type, along with the case of Benjamin Franklin. Concerning the Tenk O (forced ideological conversion) as an internal turning points, the cases of Fusao Hayashi (writer) and RyiitarO Nagai (professor and politician) were dealt. A powerful influence on the conversion was exerted on both of them by their career teachers.
Lastly it was suggested that the concept of “social careers” was an operational tool having a wide availability in the behavioral sciences beyond the study of adult socialization.

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教育社会学における社会化研究の動向と課題

細川幹夫, 高橋均

1976 年 31 巻 p. 54-71,en213
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.54

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Since about 1960, research on the problems of the socialization of individuals has come to the forefront of the field of Educational Sociology in America, in Germany and in Japan. We would like to discuss the reasons for this trend; in the first place, we would like to take up topics under the heading “the socialzaition of individuals”, historical studies on the conceptual origins, and the development in relation to the social, ideological and educational affairs, and the purposes of the research; and, in the second place, we would like to point out that there are two fundamental concepts concerning socialization. Seen from different viewpoints of human nature, these last are the Durkheimian sociological concept and the Dewey-Meadian socio-psychological concept. From the educational viewpoint, they may be divided into the following two: the concept of unconsciousfunctional socialization and the concept of intentional socializing education. In the third place, we would like to mention that in America the unification and harmonization of socialization and individualization were at the centre of disputes from the very beginning, and we will summarize the reasons for this in three points based on the following statement: Since 1950, research on the problems of socialization has come to dominate the field. Fourthly, we would like to take up the most seriousp roblem-that of the rigorous distinction between Sozialization and Personalisation, which exists in the German Pädagogische Anthropologie, Erziehungswissenschaft, Soziologie der Erziehung. In other words, we would like to take up the positive concept of socialization implying socialadaptation-internalization (as basic socialization, or primary education), its limitations (for human existence-conscience), and the issues involved (adaptation to present-day technology). Finally, we would like to consider the trends and issues as treated by Japanese educationalsociologists. 1) We clarify such agents of socialization as family, school and others, and make clear their characteristics; 2) We investigate the trends in the research areas of political, economic, ccupational, and moral branches of socialization, as examples in which the content of such research is examined; and 3) We take up the problem of research areas, and suggest the possibility of handling the problems of juvenile delinquency as part of the study of socialization.

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社会化研究への提言

村井実

1976 年 31 巻 p. 72-75
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.72

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社会化研究にたいする批判と提言

市川昭午

1976 年 31 巻 p. 76-79
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.76

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社会化研究への提言

文化人類学の立場から

江淵一公

1976 年 31 巻 p. 80-83
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.80

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社会化研究への提言

心理学の立場から; 社会化能力の発達について

滝沢武久

1976 年 31 巻 p. 84-87
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.84

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社会化理論と変動期社会の人間理解

二関隆美

1976 年 31 巻 p. 88-92
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.88

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高等専門学校教師の生態

葉柳正

1976 年 31 巻 p. 95-105,en214
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.95

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In this paper, the author tries to make clear what problems on teachers exist in technical college.
We conducted several surveys: “The evaluation of the technical college system by teachers”, “Investigation on state of personnel changes” and “Analysis of the list of names”.
The results of these studies can be summarized as follows:
1) There are four groups on career pattern of technical college teachers: a group of college teachers' career, of high school teachers' career, of company employees' career and of the new graduates. Such diversity of career pattern is producing bad rather than good results in technical college. That is, the differences of those career patterns give rise to the split of opinion about educational points of view among technical college teachers.
2) The system of interchange of teachers between institutions does not exist, so the proportion of personnel interchanges is only 3.2 per cent on an average in a year. An adequate method that facilitates the interchange of personnel among technical colleges, therefore, must be found out.
3) Technical college teachers are carrying out the duties including those performed by high school teachers and even supervision of the dormitory. For that reason, they are put to the condition of overwork.
4) Though technical college is categorized under higher education institutions, personnel administration is based on principal-centered system. Therefore, freedom of technical college teachers on the personnel problems is fairly restricted by principal power.
5) The level of tecnical college teachers' salary has become lowest in all of the school systems since “The Law to Secure the Talented Person” became effective. Thus, many young teachers are strongly dissatisfied with the salary system in technical college.

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学校群における格差形成のメカニズム

橋爪貞雄

1976 年 31 巻 p. 106-118,en215
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.106

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Some high schools rank high in social reputation only because many good students apply for the admission to them, while the prestige of other schools is comparatively low mainly because of the lower academic level of the applicants. The resulting difference among high schools can be reduced by requesting the students to apply for a group of several schools instead of for a single school and distribute the qualified applicants to each school within the group equally in respect to their academic level. If this system works well, the difference among schools in a group will come to the minimum, while, on the other hand, another difference will unavoidably appear among groups.
This dilemma between the individual and group differences among schools may threaten the joint selection system itself, unless some adequate measures are taken.
Nagoya City started in 1973 a new selection system, by which schools A and B formed a group, while B forming another group with C. Thus a school belongs to two groups at the same time, one group being always formed with two schools.
This articles tries to see both the extent to which this new system has been successful to solve the dilemma, and the process through which a new kind of difference, if any, may come out and develop among individual schools and/or groups of schools.
Main findings are:
(1) The academic level of the applicants is different between the two groups sharing one school, although the chance to enter the school is logically equal between the two. This difference either comes to be fixed or grows larger year by year without showing signs of decrease. In other words, the academic level of a school is more influenced by the higher-prestiged school it is linked with on the one side than the lower-prestiged school on the other.
(2) A gradual replacement of high-ranking schools has been taking place. This change seems to have been caused by the mechanisms inherent to this selection as well as by the past prestige of the schools concerned.
(3) Under this system the difference of academic level among schools has been considerably reduced for these four years, but the whole pattern of ranking among fifteen schools still remain unchanged.
(4) All this suggests that the better the applicants are and the higher the school's prestige is, the greater their influence is upon the changes of the difference, and that the changes initiated in the upper part among the group gradually extends to the lower. This may be analogous to the general trend of the nation's orientation to higher academic degrees.

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立身出世主義の論理と機能

明治後期・大正前期を中心に

竹内洋

1976 年 31 巻 p. 119-129,en217
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.119

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The notion of “Risshin-Shusse” and its functions can be briefly summarized as follows:
(1) To rise in the world (“Risshin-Shusse”) or not was considered identical with winning or being defeated in life. This compulsive notion was to force “Shusse”-minded people to reject the usual institutional means and those who failed into despair.
(2) There was, however, another kind of “Risshin-Shusse” notion, which contributed greatly to preventing people from such deviation and from despair. It was, what could be called, a double-image notion of “Risshin-Shusse”. One image was that the more secular value a man had, the more moral value he had. The other image, which was quite to the contrary in the content, was that the more secular value a man had, the less moral value he had.
(3) The third notion of “Risshin-Shusse” was that of small upward mobility in non-elite, that was also regarded as “Shusse”. While the opportunities to try to rise radically in the world became less, this notion kept the fervor of “Risshin-Shusse”.
(4) The fourth notion of “Risshin-Shusse” was one that was considered “Komyo”(acquiring fame). This notion had relevance not only to status-orientation, but also to achievement-orientation. This particular notion is thought to have worked as innovation energy toward the Japanese modernization.

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高等教育就学機会と地方出身者

大卒Uターン者の実態と「大都市大学」の役割

岡崎友典

1976 年 31 巻 p. 130-141,en218
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.130

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National policy on education in post-war Japan has been grounded on an extension of educational equality and availability throughout the country. The most dramatic measure of this phenomenon is heralded by an increase in the number of institution of higher learning. “Kyusei-daigaku, Kosen, and Shihan” were all made into “university”.
If we are to discover the degree to which the ideas of equal educational opportunity have materialized in the societal context of Japan, we must, in some way, attempt to evaluate the social role that has been played by the talents produced by the current university system in terms of the quality of their social performance. I chose as an object of research private universities located in metropolitan areas, since a majority of students through Japana ttend such institution.
Result of the analysis is summarized as follows:
1. Opportunity for higher education in Japan has been developed and popularly expanded by concentration in metropolitan areas in spite of original intentions.
2. Educational facility concentration results in an obligation on the part of the accepted students to travel to the metropolitan location.
3. However, 40%. of “non-resident” graduates of metropolitan universities return to their home towns after graduation.
4.25% of those 40% get employed as public servants, which implies that local community can not provide sufficient occupational opportunities for returning talents.
5. These are statistics representing data gathered on students and graduates of private universities, not of national universities which educate Japan's professional elite.
6. If local communities are to secure high quality monpower, it is necessary to change the policy of concentration in higher education.
7. At the present stage, the relationship between the universities located in districts is very significant. At the same time, many problems must be solved.

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生活時間研究

その適用と展望

矢野真和

1976 年 31 巻 p. 142-152,en219
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.142

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Most of the social problems at present are closely related to the way by which we use our time and in recent years time budget is a subject of a growing concern in various research fields. In this paper, through my experiences and the development at the international level, I try to explain the viewpoints of the application and the problems to be solved for the review of time budget study. For this purpose, I concentrated this study on the following four viewpoints.
1. Specific-General
Specific viewpoint means to focus on the specific activity in the general activity. Explaining the history of time budget study and the four specific activity studies, I make clear the evolution, from specific to general viewpoint. Furthermore, the two important problems, the activity model and the role of education, are pointed out.
2. Micro-Macro (Individual·Family·Society)
The temporal structure and the analytical framework differ with the objects, i. e., whether they are focused on the individual (micro) or collectivity (macro). Especially, I concentrated this discussion on the three levels, 1) Individual; motivation-choice-activity model 2) Family; joint time budget
3) Society; convergence-divergence.
We may look at human activity in varying perspectives by shifting the time scale from the day, to the week, to the year, and to the full span of man's life. But the most of studies was applied to the daily activities. It is necessary to expand the application to longer time scale.
4. Time-Money-Space
In addition to the relation between time and activity, we must get hold of the integration of time, money and space. So the interdisciplinary approach is indispensable for time budget study.

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「生徒のサブ・カルチャー」再考

パラダイムによる理論化への試論

白石義郎

1976 年 31 巻 p. 153-162,en220
発行日: 1976/09/30
公開日: 2011/03/18

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11151/eds1951.31.153

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It is my purpose to reconsider several researches on student subculture in the U.S.A. and Britain. Through this reconsideration, I will get some useful scheme of analysis to do researches on student subculture in Japan. Especially I will analyze them with reference to achievement orientation.
I would point out two following approaches in those researches. One is “school culture” approach advocated by R. Lambert, which is taken from the view point of the school organizational theory, and the other is “adolescent subculture” one advocated by J. S. Coleman, which is taken from the “youth culture” theory.
In this study, I proposed some shortcomings in those two approaches. Students are expected in the school setting to play two roles, that is, “pupil roles” and “teenager roles” suggested by B. Sugarman. But, R. Lambert has been proceeding his research, making much emphasis on “pupil roles”, and J.S. Coleman has been doing his research, making much emphasis on “teenager roles”. In addition to those shortcomings, oth approaches have overlooked “students' valueorientations” inbt heir subculture.
Therefore, it is better to adopt T. Parsons' viewpoint, i.e. “action frame of reference” called “analytical realism” in order to overcome those shortcomings mentioned above. By doing so, we are faced to resolve two following problems ; one connected with the cultural systems in wider society, and the other connected with the student status in school organization.

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