This article tries to redifine the concept of “Kyoiku Shido”. The term “Kyoiku Shido” has been used to mean “vocational guidance” or “educational guidance”. This article, however, tried to examine these cultural backgrounds of educational practices. The following three viewpoints are scrutinized as the major areas for the sociological methodology: 1) schooldistrict interrelationships, 2) resources of teacherhood; and 3) cultural determinants of educational content and methods. It is finally pointed out that these three viewpoints should be systematized for the redefinition of “Kyoiku Shido”.
In Japan, quality and quantity of knowledge which is expected to be transmitted at school is largely determined by the Official Course of Study. We have examined to what extent pupils are really obtaining the knowledge. This paper summarizes some results of the pupils' scholastic achievement research carried out by the National Institute for Educational Research in 1975. The samples are about 17, 000 pupils in the 8th, 9th, and 11 th grades in six prefectures. I, as a sociologist, consider that the curriculum content is not always relevant to the social conditions in modern Japanese society. I also think that Japanese teachers are trying to teach as much content as possible. The content of knowledge which is being taught at school, might be relevant in the viewpoint of traditional curriculum. It must not be over looked, however, that some of the content should be reselected and fundamentally revised from the future point of view. Therefore, we cannot reselect and revise the curriculum content only by estimating pupils' achievement in a traditional way. To illustrate these points some of the test problems used in the research are shown.
Career guidance (educational and vocational guidance) provided by the school is in general a process of growth by which school teachers givesystematic and continual helpe to their students with their individual material and educational and vocational information, and through career exploration and career counselling. It should enable students to choose their future career and to promote their ability to adjust to their own way of life in future. In the contemporary Japanese schools, however, teachers seem to think that career guidance is just a selection of work and placement. Therefore, real career guidance does not exist in Japanese school activities. Actual situation of career guidance in our schools are such that junior high school students must accept their dramatic social birth and also select their career by their final marks in the ninth grade.
According to the report on “Juku” published by the Ministry of Education in March, 1977, the proportion of the pupils who are attending the “Juku”, is 20.2% In this aiticle, I want to analyze the function of “Juku” by the method of the depth interview approach. I present four case reports in this article. The first is the case of the elementary school in the suburbs of Tokyo. One boy in the fifth grade in this school goes to Juku from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m., twice a week. On Sundays, he goes to Tokyo to take achievement tests. But he is not the rare case. Sixty-four percent of his classmates is attending Juku twice or thrice a week. The second case is the report of the rural community. There is no Juku in the village. But children do the home work 1.5 hour every day. So, if Juku is established, perhaps they may also go to Juku. On the 16th of July, 1976, we visited one elementary school in Osaka and had an interview with the children. Fifty-eight per cent of the children in the sixth grade attend Juku. But, in the case of another school in Kyoto, only 17% of the children go to Juku. These four cases prove that the degree of children enrolled in Juku is different in each case, and that it is determined by the three factors; teacher's attitude, parental expectation on their children and the scholastic achievement of each child.
The objective of this article is to analyze empirically the impact of mass upper secondary school on the structure of educational opportunity. The proportion of compulsory school graduates going on to upper secondary schools increased from 55% in 1960 to 91% in 1975, on the nationwide average. This rapid expansion, however, has created a wide difference in the level among schools. This school hierarchy structure functions to cool out increasing social demand for higher education and to distribute educational opportunity, appropriately. There is the ploblem, howevers, that school hierarchy structure is influenced by both regional and social class structure. In short, school hierarchy structure is clearly built in social structure. In order to explore the mutual relationship between educational and social structure, I examined the structural changes in the upper secondary school system in terms of percentage distribution of enrollments by social class. It was then clarified.how structures of the school hierarchy system were varied in different localities. As for the impacts of mass upper secondary education on the structure of educational opportunity, the following generalization has been derived. 1. Percentage distribution of enrollments by social class is different between general course and vocational course: general course →white-collar class vocational course→farmer, fisher, forester. 2. Forms of school hierarchy system clearly reflect socio-economic structure. 3. On the other hand, the structure of school hierarchy has the function of maintaining the socio-economic structure.
Joint selection or “sogosenbatsu” has now become one of the most important issues about senior high school education. The most controversial point about it is whether it degenerates academic standard of senior high school education or not. This paper deals with this problem. The hypothesis has been held by advocates of joint selection system that equal distribution of high school entrants' academic ability (which ought to resolve school differential) among several schools (which constitute one school set) through joint selection would, far from lowering academic standards of high school education, raise it on the contrary. In the context of “school production function” study in America, the opinion that asserts the existence of peer cultural influence on cognitive output was exposed to severe criticism, but in Japan it might have every reason to be believed in, in view of her different racial and social class situation. According to this opinion, dissemination of “academic culture”, in stead of confining it into limited elitist schools, would elevate the level of academic output from school system as a whole. Hence the hypothesis cited above. Comparison before and after implementation of joint selection system of academic output, which is measured by a percentage of applicants who were admitted, from fourteen school sets in five prefectures shows maintenance or upgrading of its standards in all cases. In some cases, considerable uprising which suggests the effect of joint selection was observed. Cross-sectional analysis of nation-wide data in 1975, however, made it clear that the standard of academic output correlated with university entrance ratio (r=.76), but not with school differential (r=.01). Correlation between upgrading of academic standards and resolution of school differential found out by trend analysis of fourteen cases, therefore, came out to be false correlation. Thus, initial hypothesis was not supported. The effect of hitherto overlooked factor, i. e. university entrance ratio, was brought to light by this study.
The study of teacher socialization has been relatively neglected in the field of educational sociology in Japan. In this paper, the author aims to delineate teachers' culture as a first step of the study of teacher socialization. According to the data of questionnaire survey administered to the primary school teachers in Tokyo metropolitan area (613 respondents), following findings were obtained:(1) The outstanding criterion with which teachers are ranked high by their colleagues is skillful teaching performance in their classrooms.(2) And much more notably, the criterion without which teachers are evaluated low by their colleagues is to act in concert with them. It can be pointed out that teachers working in such cultural situation can scarcely have chance to make use of originality in their schools.
The Coleman Report (1966) was published in an atmosphere in which ideas and policies were based on the belief that education and public schooling could be one of the main means by which social inequality could be reduced. But this assumption came to be discredited with the findings of the Coleman Report. Since then, several empirical and statistical studies on the ineffectiveness or insignificance of education or educational policies were carried out and challenged the liberal ideology of social reform by education. One example is the papers presented at The Seminar for Re-examination of the Coleman Report in which D. P. Moynihan, M. S. Smith, D. J. Armor, C. S. Jencks, and others participated, and another example is Jencks' INEQUALITY. Against these “school-incompetence” theories, this paper sets forth a hyposesis that education or schooling plays an important part in the reproduction of social class stratification, and that it is the close relationship between education and social class that minimizes the net effect of schooling independent from social class. From this viewpoint % this paper deals with, in turn, the relationship between scholastic achievement and social class, the relationship between educational attainment and social class, the role of educational attainment in the reproduction of social class stratification, and finally the role or substance of education or educational process in the reproduction or hereditary continuation of social class stratification. In conclusion, this paper agrees with and supports the classical and orthodox proposition in the field of the sociology of education, that social classes influence education and that education contributes to the hereditary reproduction of social class stratification.
The purpose of this project is to establish the sociological model for the diagnosis of educational situation in various districts. Some diagnoses have been attempted in such field as economics, social welfare and business management. In the field of education, however, there have been quite few, especially at the restricted geographical level like town, city and prefecture. This attempt, it is expected, will have some influences upon two fields, “the educational pathology” and the study of “community and education”. Our study focused on education of prefecture as the first step for formulation of the diagnostic model applicable for any place. This article refers chiefly to its methodology. This research consisted of the following three work-processes. First, we tried to search for five viewpoints for the diagnosis- “degree of educational effort”, “degree of correspondence”, “degree of balance”, “educational minimum” and “latent education”. Second, we developed the framework which include these five diagnostic scales, namely, the four types of educational pathologies- “lag”, “wastage”, “conflict” and “imbalance”. Third, we made the comparative study of the educational feature of prefecture by grouping four blocks of prefectures in terms of social trait, because such grouping makes it possible to compare each other and easy to find their differences and similarities. It was named “intrablock” and “inter-block” comparison. Intra-block comparison was further divided into “intra-pair” and “inter-pair” comparison. By these work-processes, the educational feature of each prefecture was clarified. But there remain two tasks to refine our model. One is to build up the scheme for criteria of pathologies and the other is to have the fieldwork. We expect this project may shed some light upon perspective for sociology of education as a policy science.
Supporters' Association of Children's Society, called “Kodomokai Ikuseikai”, is an inhabitants' voluntary association with the sole object of giving support to the Children's Society which is one of the youth extramural activities' organizations. Consequently, it is important to investigate the actual condition of the Supporters' Association to study the youth activities and the youth groups. In this paper, I focused on the structural and functional relationship between the Supporters' Association and the changing community, more particulary in connection with the suburbanization. And I intended to study several types of the local groups in the suburbs and regard them as the working hypothesis of exploring the actual Supporters' Associations. I made a survey in K-town, Kagawa-prefecture, the suburbs of Takamatsu, as an example and compared the results. Main types of the Supporters' Associations and their brief explanation are as follows: 1) “Local-people-type” has integrated structures, and is the subordinate organization of the village community structures. 2) “Mixed-type” has been changing gradually in diverse aspects of the organization by the suburbanization. 3) “Newcomer-type” is, again, divided into two types by the living house of the newcomers: “House-and-lot-type” and “Rented-house-type”. The latter type is the active organization which is governed by themselves, but the former is the passive organization and it's activities are dull. There are two other findings: 1) The household is the primary unit of the Supporters' Association. 2) The Supporters' Association serves to integrate and coordinate the local community.
In this article, I attempted to treat the feature of appearance and development of the secondary education in rural area in the latter half of Meiji era. The issues treated here are as follows: 1) What was the relation between the educational reform in the middle of Meiji era and a rapid increase in the number of technical continuation schools (TC school)? 2) Why was it that in the latter half of Meiji era, the number of agricultural continuation schools increased rapidly, while that of technical continuation schools did not, although the Government stressed the technical education? 3) What did the Government expect from the TC school? 4) What benefits did the TC school give to the local people? I examined these issues in the case of Miyagi Prefecture, with procedures as follows: 1) To examine the activities of the TC school. 2) To clarify the roles of the TC school for the rural life. 3) And to analyze the relationship between the TC school and educational policies at that time. The conclusion is as follows: 1) The TC schools had already existed to meet the needs of the local people, when the Government planned to set up the TC school system. 2) Every one could enter the TC school and its main purpose was to provide a practical education. This characteristic led to the rapid in-crease in the number of the TC school. 3) The Government could respond to the people's need for secondary education and, at the same time, enlighten them, by using this institution. 4) Besides this intention of the Government, peasants also benefited greatly from the TC school, and in fact many peasants' children entered this school. This, in turn, contributed much to an expansion of secondary education at that time in rural Japan.