Why does traditional femininity persist even though women seemingly have become free from traditional constraints? The types of answers to this question are that women adopt traditional femininity by (1) compulsory selection;(2) rational selection;(3) subjective selection;(4) unconscious selection. Each of these is insufficient. This paper suggests some integrated vision for this problem by focusing on the female culture (of younger women), especially its property as capital. Data from the survey reveals the ingredients of the female culture:(a) consummatory factor, (b) domestic factor, and (c) girls' culture factor. Each of them is related to traditional femininity through the DELAY-FUNCTION and the TRANFORMATIVE-FUNCTION (of meaning). The subjectively experienced meaning of the female culture are delay-transformed for reasons of the resemblance of the appearance to the factors of traditional femininity. This function can be precisely formulated as the function of HABITUS (Pierre Bourdieu's term). But Bourdieu did not explain habitus in the context of femininity and women's deprivation. So an extended concept for femininity is required. Habitus is the incarnated form of the capital (Bourdieu especially insisted capital culturel, i. e. CULTURAL CAPITAL). And this capital functions only in the FIELD (“Champ”) that is correlated and reflexively defined with capital. I named such FIELD as related women's properties as “PATRIARCHAL FIELD”, and its correlated capital as “PATRIARCHAL CAPITAL”. The patriarchal capital, as with other forms of capital such as cultural capital, economic capital and social capital, produces profits only within its field, and converts former forms into another. This process corresponds to the transformative function. Female culture and gender formation of women can be interpreted by Bourdieu's model. And this model will be able to explicate the hidden process of “the reproduction of gender” by the analysis of the conversion of and between such capital as discussed above.
This paper discusses the meanings of monopolization for the role of socializer, ie., child carer and also primary or nurturant socializer in the modern family, especially mothers. In modern societies, 1) the socialization process has become more discontinuous than in that of pre-modern societies. Children have their socialization experience not in the whole societies in which they live, but in their own famillies that are formed as isolated socialization systems. 2) The mother has held the monopoly for the role of parenting. Societies have lost the mechanism of multiple parenting and also the device of social uncle. 3) Anticipatory socialization has become the main process as opposed to participatory socialization. 4) In modern societies, the purpose of socialization is for mobility, ie., upward mobility in social stratification; anticipatory socialization is suitable for mobile societies. In other words, socialization is used not for ascription, but for achievement. As a whole, we can say that modern societies have lost their manifest function of socialization, although they have important latent or implicit effects upon socialization. Now, in contemporary societies changing toward the post-modern era, societies require us to construct a new socialization system to build a new manifest function of socialization, not monopolized by the family or by mothers, but taken by multiple socializers in broader societies as a socialization system.
The paper analyses the dynamics of the process by which gender and gender relation are constructed in the primary school classroom. The data consists of questionnaires completed by pupils, observations of various sixth grade lessons and interviews of the teachers and pupils. The result of the questionnaire resarch shows that there is a difference between girls' and boys' behaviours, and pupils recognize gender bias in the way teachers treat pupils. Through observation of lessons, gender differences in classroom interaction patterns were found. The findings are that reachers give more attention to boys and let them have the floor more often than girls, and boys are more prominent in classroom discussions than girls. While boys speak eloquently, girls keep silent in class. Such gender differences are produced not only by teachers but also by pupils themselves. By favouring distinctions between girls and boys, they construct femininity and masculinity in school life. In particular, boys try to separate themselves from girls and to be superior to them in class. In the face of the boys' will to diminate classroom discussion, girls withdraw and refrain from self-assertion. Because of pupils' atittudes and culture, teachers' efforts to treat girls and boys equally sometimes have little success. It is suggested that gender difference in the classroom is a product of politics working among teachers, boys and girls.
In most studies on social stratification, the female half of humanity has been excluded from research subjects. This exclusion takes two forms:(1) exclusion from research respondents: respondents were extracted from only male populations, (2) exclusion from theoretical propositions i.e. sexism inherent in theory: theories of stratification themselves are disposed to ignore women as a unit of stratification. This exclusion has produced many unreliable results and false conclusions in various fields of studies on social stratification, such as class composition, social mobility, differentiation of peasantry and historical sociology of education. To incorporate women and gender inequality into the study on social stratification, I investigate units of analysis and relations of gender and class structure. Most studies have assumed that the family is the unit of analysis and its location in class structure is determined by the status of the male head of the family. In other words, the patriarchal family has been used as the unit of analysis. This assumption is inadequate, both theoretically and empirically. We have to select relevant units of analysis, individual or family according to research context. As to relations of gender and class structure, I identify three distinct approaches: gender as class, gender as determinant of individual's class location and gendered class structure. In support of the third approach, I insist that studies on social stratification must be refounded on the basis of adequate theory on class identification and intensive studies of labour processes especially job segregation by sex in the work place.
Studies on gender and education have become popular in the sociology of education in Japan recently. The purpose of this paper is to review the research from 1985 to 1995, and consider further studies on these issues. First, we provide an overview of the findings of the studies on gender and education during the 10 years to 1995. Studies on gender and education have been made mainly from the angle of educational and occupational attainment and female socialization. Research on the labor market, higher education, and secondary and primary education socializing processes and gender differences has been produced so far. Secondly, we analyze the discourse of the studies on gender and education. From the feminist of view, researches in this area so far could neither criticize the androcentrism of the sociology of education nor consider the voices of ‘women’ completely. Finally, we search for further researches from now on. Recently, new approaches (post-structural feminism) have been introduced in this area. Although we must not forget the importance of former approaches on gender and education, we should learn from the post-structural feminism how greatly we have ignored feminism so far. Since both approaches are needed and neither are complete, future studies on gender and education are expected to be made both using former approaches, and new approaches.
In Japan, since the early 1980's, women's occupational careers have been investigated by means of life course frameworks. However, it has been difficult to describe their life course patterns precisely, especially with regard to “Retirement type”. This type in reality includes two different groups. One represents those who permanently retire from the labor markets because of family life events, such as marriage, childbirth and childcare. The other represents those who re-enter labor markets after finishing childcare. To avoid this confusion, it is indispensable to grasp life course patterns by a combination of life event chains and life prospects. Through a questionnaire we designed, it was possible to describe the mid-career women's life course and life course prospects and to distinguish permanent retirement from temporary, using data from 1, 539 graduates (aged 35, 50 and 65) of a women's university in Tokyo in 1996. The main findings are as follows:(1) Our questionnaire could extract life course prospects of the “younger cohort” and “mid-career women” from former questionnaires which buried them into the life event chains of “older cohort” and “the women who have finished their life events”. (2) Analysis of determinant factors between the two groups of the youngest cohort (age 35) with no job, indicates that their own aspiration for life course cherished while in university is the strongest determinant. (3) Between the two groups, there are different tendencies in the attitude and consciousness about their family and childcare. Therefore, it will be necessary to prepare different support policies for each group:(1) For those who retire from the labor markets, support for activities other than occupations is important. (2) In contrast, for those who plan to re-enter the labor market, it is essential not only to make it easier for them to resume their jobs, but also to provide flexible employment opportunities. To consolidate the above stated findings, it will be necessary to use case studies and a panel survey.
In the study of school history, one of the main issues is still the question of what position secondary school education occupied and how it has changed in Japan. In this paper, we consider secondary school leavers from the end of the last century to the middle of the 1970's. We determine those issues to use birth cohorts and some of the indexes that are known in the study of social mobility. We categorize people who leave after completion of secondary education into four courses of study (common, industrial, commercial, and other vocational secondary schools). We also uses indexes such as their fathers' jobs, their first jobs, and their jobs at forty years old. To describe those positions, we use the data file of Social Stratification and Mobility Survey (SSM) in 1965, 1985, and 1995. Those indexes indicate the changes of the position of the secondary education in Japan. The main results are as follows:(1) With regard to their fathers' jobs, the ratio of blue-collar workers has increased. (2) With regard to their first jobs, relationships such those between common high school and lower white-collar or blue-collar worker, between commercial high school and lower white-collar, and between industrial high school and blue-collar worker have remained stable. (3) It is also clarified that the ratio of blue-collar workers at their first jobs, has increased. (4) We compared their first jobs and their jobs at forty years old. We see that there are some chances of moving from lower prestige jobs to higher prestige from the beginning of the period to end of the period.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the reality of processes of “Sogo Gakka” senior high-school students' choice of subjects from the viewpoint of their interaction with teachers and other students. “Sogo Gakka” is attracting the attention of educators because this is different from the conventional high-school system in that students make their curriculum for themselves. But in most discussions, little attention has been given to how the curriculum controls students' subjects choice actions. In this study, I observed how students adjust themselves to the constrained situation of subject choice in school, based on ethnographic research in “Sogo Gakka” at S High School. Then, this study focuses attention on 1) the characteristics of students' career perspectives that they construct in the process of choosing subjects, and 2) the keiretu that is set as guidelines to students' choice of subjects. The results of the research are that 1) students have keiretu“membership consciousness” whereas keiretu are only intended as guidelines, so they choose subjects with reference to keiretu. 2) Students take the control from keiretu for granted as a result of interactions with teachers who intend to maintain the system of keiretu. 3) Students' choice of subjects is not a rational action based on career perspectives, because they consturct career perspectives in accordance with the result of their choice of subjects. 4) The current curriculum in “Sogo Gakka” is difficult to establesh as concrete guidelines for students' career. These results suggest that option systems for curriculum in Japanese high school need to be reconsidered from a viewpoint of relevance to each student's composition of elective subjects, not from a viewpoint of their career.
The purpose of this paper is to show accumulativeness and complexity in causes of regional inequality in educational attainment. Although numbers of studies have been made on inequality in educational attainment, little is known about accumulativeness and complexity in causes of inequality. The main reason is that many of these studies neglect the effects of geographical determinants, regional history and regional culture on education. To solve this problem we examine the formation processes of parents' educational hopes for children and students' educational aspirations in the Sendai area and Kesennuma city, considering these factors. We conducted surveys on students at 13 high schools and their parents in the Sendai area (including Sendai, Tagajou and Natori City) in 1987 and on students at 10 high schools and their parents in three other cities in Miyagi Prefecture (Shiroishi, Furukawa and Kesennuma City) in 1988. The results may be summarized as follows:(1) in comparison with the Sendai area, parents' status (according to educational and occupational status) is lower in Kesennuma city;(2) in general, higher parental status promotes their educational hopes for children, but this effect is weaker in Kesennuma city. We used historical and statistical materials and conducted hearing from informants to clarify cultural and historical backgrounds to these results. Kessennuma is located on the south coast of the Tohoku area, and the main industries are fishing and marine product-processing, so before World War 2, educational credentialism permeated later in Kessennuma. Because educational attainment is not a beneficial strategy in a coastal area, parents attach greater importance to practical science. On the other hand, regional culture may cause changes in the meaning of modern education. We conclude that interaction between school education and regional society is needed to elucidate the social function of education.
Recently youth unemployment has been rising, which means the number of MUGYO-SHA is increasing in newly graduated students. MUGYO-SHA is a person who is not going to enter higher education, or get a job. This article aims to explore the following, focusing on MUGYO-SHA in high school. 1. What kind of mechanism is it that produces MUGYO-SHA? 2. How does it relate to the mechanism and the hierarchical structure of high school in Japan? 3. How will educational reform in high school influence the MUGYO-SHA problem? Since the 80's the condition of the labor market into which high schoo graduates enter has become worse, and fewer students obtain jobs immediately. The change in the labor market has been more serious for graduates from general courses than from vocational courses, and more MUGYO-SHA are produced from the general courses. According to our investigation on high school students, the findings are as follows. If students delay the decision on their future, they tend to become MUGYO-SHA. General course students delay making a decision about their future as opposed to the vocational students. This is because there is no clear derection throughout the general course syllabus. They are not so much unemployed as temporarily suspended and are at a disadvantage in starting their career. Because of the difference between the counseling on the general courses and the vocational courses, it is more difficult for students of general courses to decide their future. Many of the vocational courses, however, are now under educational reform. As the result of the reform action, especially forming the “subject with distinguished features”, it is supposed that vocational courses will face an unclear and uncertain direction and produce more MUGYO-SHA. If we approve an unclear direction in every high school, we should discuss how high school students can decide their future course.