The studies of ‘gender and education’ in Japan have made female students visible in the educational system, and also have contributed toward increasing female students' educational chances. However they have not questioned how a girl/boy becomes a ‘girl/boy’, or even thought it natural that a girl/boy should become a ‘girl/boy’. This paper aims first to explain this omission, and second to show how we can come to investigate that matter in research. The reason for leaving that problem unexamined, is that they have believed that a girl/boy as sex will be a girl/boy as gender. However, gender is not the ‘social and cultural distinction’, but the practice of making differentiation. To challenge the belief, and to change the viewpoint so as to research gender as practice of making differentiation, we are urged to theorize this matter. To do this, we should consider first the effect of using the dualistic sexual category as truth, second the effect of internalizing model, and third the relation of social power in gender relation. I argue that the theory of feminist poststructuralism is useful here. I demonstrated the experimental studies based on this theory can be done also in Japan. The notion of the making of a gender is to build up the system of meanings related to sexual division through the discursive practices using the words related to the sexual division. By the concept of the making of a gender in the school, I analyze in detail the process of building up gender. I am also aimed at revealing the relation between the educational phenomena and sexual categories through drawing the practice of differentiation and constructed system of meanings.
This paper analysis the structure of educational opportunities in South-Korea, which like Japan has strong tradition of Confucianism and is famous for intense competition for admission to colleges and universities. In line with analysis of inquiry to college and university students in Seoul, it investigates how inequality in educational opportunities remains in South-Korean society in which the equal opportunities seem to be growing. The Main findings are as follows: 1) in spite of popularization of higher education, there still remains inequality in educational opportunities due to social class of a student portrayed by job and educational background of his/her parents ; and 2) the social class affects admission opportunities for college and university types ranked by the student's individual abilities in accordance with their school performance, that is, by merit. It is confirmed that inheritance of a mechanism reprocucing the social class exists in the system of higher education of which opportunities are thought to be offered to everybody based on the meritocratic principle. However, 3) the knowledge is gained that a factor of merit-that is, one's ability rather than that of the social class-dominates admission of male students to top universities in accordance with a mechanism that excellent male students from local towns and villages can enter top universities even though they bilong to lower classes. Therefore, the result that a factor of the social class has strong effect on educational opportunities for female students is acquired. In spite of the fact that differences in educational opportunities and their correlation with the social class emerge from discrepancy between the two genders, mechanisms how and why the differences that come out have been hardly studied. Therefore, the kind of previously overlooked viewpoint on female students considered in this paper may shed light on various aspects of gender studies in addition to studies of educational opportunities and social class.
Since the 1970's both male students and female students have been involved in the, so called, “examination hell.” However, it is not clear whether female students have experienced the samd “Juken-taisei (examination ordeal)” as male students have. Especially it is very doubtful if female students have competed with male students for the same goal in the same tournament. In fact, female students and male students might have different experiences in the choice of universities or colleges, and in the use of the ways for admission. For example, women's colleges and junior colleges cannot be included in the male students' choice, and to be “Ronin (high school graduate who is waiting for another chance to enter a college)” should be critical especially for female students: it means that the tournament cannot be consistent with the pyramid which is ordered by “Hensachi (the deviation value of trial examinations).” In this paper, we focus on entrance examination for college as a system which itself brings about competitive and differential phases among female students and male students, and how it affects the selection of universities and colleges. Based on the above discussion, the following points are analyzed: (1) Firstly, we take up female students' high schools and male students' high schools and examine how they use “the admission by school recommendation” as one of the means to enter a university. Moreover, we analyze the difference in the use of “the admission by school recommendation” between female students of female students' high schools and female students of coed high schools. (2) Secondly, the “Ronin” norm among female students is analyzed in choosing universities, to suggest that the “Ronin” norm has functioned to lead female students to lower-ranking colleges (as “real ability” estimated by Hensachi rank) or to a women's college or a junior college. More importantly, the “Ronin” norm itself has survived by taking advantage of the feminine track which is made by the entrance examination system.
This study clarifies the adoption of western style uniforms in women's middle schools in the rural districts during the 1920-1930 period. The historical study of female students' uniforms have traditionally highlighted the cases of women's high schools in city areas. Consequently, the effects of regional differences and the disparity among schools have been overlooked in the previous research. In this study, the process of adoption is explicated from various dimensions by examining these factors. The areas focused on are two counties located in the west end of Shimane prefecture. In the big cities like Tokyo, women's middle schools tended to adopt the uniforms according to their own school policies. There seemed to be no regular pattern in the adoption. Contrary to this, in Shimane prefecture, there are some regulations in the adoption according to the disparity among schools. The four prefectural women's high schools, which had the highest prestige in this prefecture, adopted in the same year, 1924. Adopting western style uniforms in 1924 was earlier here than most of women's middle schools in Tokyo. This means, in this prefecture, the adoption of uniforms occurred earlier in the schools which had high prestige. In Tsuwano Ko-Jo, one of the prefectural women's high schools, students started to wear the western style uniforms in 1924 with no particular impressions, while the men in Tsuwano area looked at them with critical eyes. They did not have to feel any conflict as they were supported by their school's prestige. At that time, the other schools in the nearby area had not adopted the uniforms, though their area itself was more modernized than the Tsuwano area. This was because these schools had less prestige than that of Tsuwano Ko-Jo. In the west part of Shimane prefecture, the western style uniforms worked as the presentation ofranking in the women's middle schools. This study aims to make clear the process of the westernization of uniforms in rural areas without using the standard model of the city area. At the same time, this study shows in examining how the disparity among female schools helps to create rank among the girls, and how the uniform performs as the representation of prestige.