The purpose of this paper is to analyze potential problems in promoting the privatization of education. I inquire into these problems in the situation in which privatization in people's consciousness is said to be in progress. The cases examined here are the families that sent their children to international schools. It can be said that they have exercised their freedom of choice of schooling in an extreme sense, as these schools are not approved by the Ministry of Education. In the process of privatization in people's minds, choosing international schools appears to help children and families free themselves from demands in public space including the public education. Indeed, in their words, their private space appears to be enriched and balanced by their decision. The children expand their circles of friendship and develop their ‘uniqueness’ in school. The families as well can protect their own culture. However, the private space is not the only basis of their choosing these schools. Looking ahead of children's future, the parents are also aware of the importance of the'public yardstick' in public spaces. This very choice is one strategy to take up multiple yardsticks. Yet still choosing international schools can go against their expectations and generate the risk of taking up no yardsticks at all and of being expelled from any school, public or private. This risk can be hedged only by economic, social and academic resources of the family. Here, choosing schools outside the public education means the big shift of responsibility from the state to the hands of parents. What is attempted by the privatization of education such as free choice of schooling is the shift of state's role as controlling body to the market. But its role as the ensuring body of education also would have to be taken into account, as who is going to assume this role will construct the meaning of publicness in education.
This paper shows the images of youth sexualities in mid-last-Meiji period and examines the way in which sexualities of youth was discussed as problematic by society and the reactions of youth to the problematization. To do this, I examined articles aboutGakusei-Fuki ProbleminKyoiku-Jironpublished in Meiji period. The perspective of social-constructionism approach developed by Kitsuse and Spector was employed in this study. The questions I asked here were:(1) what sexual behaviors were considered problematic?;(2) what rhetoric was used to make them problematic?; and (3) what reactions were arisen. In these problem areas, I also examined the countermeasures taken by educators and administration, the counter discourse and the behaviors of students. The following are the findings of this study.(1) Male students: buying prostitute, sexual violence against younger boys (including gay sexual behaviors), women or girls and having a date with female students were considered sexually delinquent. Female students; prostituting, becoming a mistress and having a date with male students were thought to be sexually improper.(2) In most articles, these sexual behaviors were problematized without providing reasons. Simultaneously, the authors immediately concluded that sexual behavior of youth must be controlled with vigor.(3) Educators thought that bad manners ubiquitously seen in Japan were the factors of youth's problematic behaviors and suggested that students should be strictly supervised. These arguments were realized as the purity of environment around students and the supervision of youth by administrators and educators. Contrary to these movements, however, heated problematizations on sexual behaviors of youth caused some counter discourses. They also led student's movement of self government.
First Higher School was the prototype of the higher schools, that forged the elite in early modern Japan. In this paper, we examine the hitherto unexplored connection between the social origin of First Higher students and their subsequent career paths. As tools of analysis, we examined admissions records of First Higher School as well as alumni registers over a span ranging from 1907 to 1936. Our analysis revealed the following. Firstly, examining a distribution of the professions held by the fathers of First higher students, we found that the number of those engaged in the agriculture, forestry and fishing industries declined while the number of white-collar company employees increased. This same trend can be seen in middle schools and Tokyo Imperial University, but not the same degree. This suggests that First Higher School grew to absorb characteristics seen predominantly among the new middle class. In addition, if we take into account the findings of Hirota (1997) in relation to this, we can note that estrangement grew over the years between military officers, hailing from military academies, and civil officials, hailing from higher schools. The habituses of military and civil officials began to diverge and this was most likely an underlying cause in the rise of fascism in the Showa era. Secondly, by analyzing the relation between the social origin of First Higher students and their subsequent careers, we were able to find the following: 1) any part that their family backgrounds may have affected the career choices of First Higher students disappeared by around 1920; 2) in the choice whether to become a public official or to become a whitecollar company employee, the economic conditions of the time were a determining factor, especially for those born among the old middle class people; 3) a high proportion of those students whose fathers were professionals went on to become members of the same professions; and, if we limit our discussion to those students who went on to the faculty of law at university, a high proportion of them became public officials.
This paper analyzes the processes in the classroom, in which the teacher's evaluation affects pupils' involvement in various activities at school. In this paper, I aim to understand social meanings of evaluation in the classroom. In so doing, I hope to shed new light on the sociology of school. Based on ethnographic research conducted at an elementary school, I found the following: 1) Among pupils, their recognition of teacher's evaluation is differentiated, because evaluation in the classroom is getting multifarious and the criteria of report cards are not open to pupils. 2) Patterns of pupils' reaction to the teacher's evaluation are differentiated based on both “pupils' recognition” and “grades on test”. Differentiation of pupils' reaction to evaluation is a result of pupils' strategies, based on their own recognition, for making difference and getting a respectable position in the classroom. For example, lowly-graded pupils recognize their teacher's evaluation in everyday life positively and react to it accordingly. Through such strategies in dealing with teacher's evaluation, pupils make their own positions in the classroom as a social space. 3) Pupils' involvement in school activities is differentiated, depending on patterns of their reaction to the teacher's evaluation. As is discussed above, the process of evaluation in the classroom is a social interaction process. Lastly, I suggest that this process makes various patterns of pupils' adjustment to school, and on the other hand it can cause a part of “self-selection”.