The purpose of this paper is to point out that two models describing the transformation of the labor market for high school graduates are implicitly based on large-sized companies, and to disentangle the transformation from a different perspective. “The replacement of high school graduates by gradu ates from higher education” and “the increase in irregular workers, ” which are used to explain the transformation, provoke the question that they do not hold true for small-and-medium-sized companies, but are true of large-sized counterparts, which better organize the division of labor and can recruit workers with little difficulty. The size of companies is important because it brings major differences in recruitment conditions and employment strategies. From the perspective of small-and-medium-sized companies, it is necessary to test not only the two above-mentioned hypotheses but also the “replacement of new high school graduates by workers who changed jobs.” Focusing on the variable of company size, this paper employs time series trend analysis and regression analysis, and comes to three findings:(1) It is at large-sized companies, and not necessarily at their small-andmedium-sized counterparts, that the replacement of high school graduates by graduates from higher education is taking place. Since small-andmedium-sized companies in the manufacturing sector have greater difficulty in recruiting white-collar workers, not a few tend to recruit them from among high school graduates.(2) It is also at large-sized companies, and not necessary at their small-and-medium-sized counterparts, that the portion of irregular workers is increasing. However, this phenomenon is proceeding more quickly with females than with males at any company.(3) It is at companies with 100-999 persons that high school male graduates are being replaced by male workers in the age range of 25-34 who are changing jobs. The findings above demonstrate clearly that the youth labor market in Japan has been moving toward an American style one, as described by Osterman, though there is also a problem peculiar to Japan involving the psychological immaturity of youth, which is the weak orientation toward economical independence. Therefore, it is critical to try to redress the lagging maturity of youth and to shorten their moratorium period, because this would not only make it easier for individual youth to develop better careers but also would contribute to the structural improvement of widening employment opportunities for youth.
The words “individuality” and “creativity” have been frequently used in the philosophy of Japanese education since the Meiji period, and emphasis on individuality has come to be a key term in recent educational reforms. However, there is no consensus on how these words are understood by teachers, administrators and scholars. This study analyzes how individuality and creativity are understood, taught and evaluated in Japanese and American classrooms, by focusing on language arts lessons, and in particular, writing instructions. Observation of lessons, interviews with teachers, and analysis of students' compositions reveal that in American classrooms, creativity is achieved through ideas written in realistic terms in an appropriate form, whereas in Japanese classrooms, it is achieved through vivid expressions of personal feelings based on the shared experiences of a teacher and fellow students. In order to achieve creativity, teachers in the United States give strict guidance in composition, stressing techniques for choosing the style best fitting the student's individual objective among several different ones. In Japan, teachers encourage students to freely express their feelings, and yet students' compositions show remarkable similarity. Paradoxically, the strict technical teaching of different styles produces variety in students' writing in the United States, while the encouragement of free writing produces compositions that are strikingly similar to each other in Japan. One of the reasons of this outcome is that mastering different styles provides a choice among alternatives for American students to express their ideas. However, the results of the research do not mean that Japanese students lack individuality and creativity. Rather, differences in American and Japanese teachers' views of “individuality” and “creativity” influence teaching practices and their outcomes.
This paper attempts to reconsider the principle of “inclusion” in minority education, which emphasizes the need to educate distinctively minority students who were formerly excluded. For this purpose, the author examines the case of the “discourse shift” which took place around the year 1970 in Osaka-city, from an “exclusion” discourse that assumed it was the essential nature of Korean ethnicity which caused deviant behavior, and claimed it was impossible for Japanese to educate Korean resident (hereafter Korean) students, to a discourse of “inclusion” that criticized the former, emphasized discrimination and mental depression among Koreans as the cause of problems, and claimed that Korean students must be objects of education. The “exclusion” discourse clearly had racist features, in that it carelessly superimposed ethnic borderlines upon the borderline between human/non-human (rational/irrational). The “inclusion” discourse which followed it, and that was produced by the “pedagogy of liberation” teachers in 1971 in Osaka, condemned such racism. However, the “pedagogy of liberation” teachers also maintained the borderline between human/nonhuman itself, and merely changed the place where the line was drawn. Namely, the “pedagogy of liberation” teachers thought that the Korean students' deviant behavior ought not to be attributed to their individual character nor their ethnicity, but should be seen as a temporary mental and social condition typically caused by Japanese racism. Therefore, the teachers tried to preserve the “sphere of educability” of Korean deviants, and founded an ethnic pedagogy of liberation for them. In such reinterpretation of deviant behavior, the borderline between human/nonhuman was placed inside rather than outside each individual (between some and others). It could be said that the fundamental logic of education that “only the educable can be educated”, which is obviously tautological, was preserved even within the discourse of “inclusion.” The author concludes that the “inclusion” practice of Korean education is also based on the orthodox logic of education, and can not criticize the latter. This is why the “inclusion” of minorities has been repeated as a “normal” phenomenon in the educational order in post -war era Japan. It can also be concluded that educational practice based on such a principle as “inclusion” can not successfully intervene the everyday world and change the reality of discrimination, because human relationship in everyday world is also organized by the similar tautology, “only the human can be permitted to human relationship”. However, it also means if minority education practioners become aware of the implication of “inclusion” principle, it could be a great force for changing not only education but also everyday world itself.
The aim of this paper is to describe the moment when Japanese school culture changes by accepting “newcomer” children, from the point of view of the politics of “borders.” The paper is based on observational data obtained in a Japanese class in a particular junior high school. The author focuses on the “border strategies” which a Japanese teacher worked out in order to position herself within the school or classroom, and explores the possibility that they changed the Japanese school. There exist various given “borders” within the Japanese school. Teachers often cope with newcomer children by depending on these given “borders.” This can appear in a variety of forms, such as “marginalizing” the special Japanese class and Japanese teacher, “institutionalizing” the relationship with newcomer children, and permitting deviant behavior by newcomer children. All of these contribute toward maintaining the existing school culture. While teachers who teach Japanese in special Japanese classes for foreign children also often use the given “borders” to cope with newcomer children, they find themselves confronted with the contradiction that they themselves are marginalized by these same “borders.” This experience can prompt them to reconsider the existing “borders” which they have depended on. The Japanese teacher whose experience is described in this paper positioned herself anew as a “mediator” able to provide a place where different “borders” crossed one another, by becoming aware through the experience of conflict that she did not fit any of the existing “borders” in the school culture. It gave her the chance to try to create a site for overcoming the given “borders” of the school culture within the Japanese class and in her relationship with other teachers.
The main aim of this paper is to examine whether students and parents make use of not only out-of-education but also formal schooling for their individual strategies which anticipate direct advantages in the labor market. In recent years this issue has provoked renewed controversy in Germany, with the background that ongoing changes in the new stage of modernization are causing a blurring of the boundaries between learning, living, and working. These changes are producing a new type of labor force, the socalled “entrepreneur of his own labor force” which is characterized by maximized self-direction and strategic life planning. In this context increased importance should be given to the individual educational strategies of each family. Therefore, this paper focuses on the following questions:(1) What educational strategies do parents have with regard to the use of schooland out-of-school education?(2) How this is related to their perceptions on advantages in the labor market? This study uses data collected in Hamburg, Germany by means of questionnaires given to middle school students and semi-structured interviews with their parents. The analysis was undertaken on the base of the theoretical concepts of Pierre Bourdieu and Melvin L.Kohn. The major findings can be summarized as follows: Highly educated parents tend to expect that school and out-of-school education will foster self-direction in terms of their children's intellectual traits and their personality. These value orientations correspond with their views on advantages in the labor market. This concordance indicates that the educational strategies of parents with privileged background have an advantage in the changing labor market. The opposite is true for the educational strategies of parents from lower social strata. This difference can be explained by parents' different educational and occupational experiences and conditions as well as by the German school system, which includes considerable erences in formal education between school types as well as in the use of out-ofschool education.
The purpose of this study is to examine students' career decision-making processes in “Sogo Gakka” senior high school. As part of recent educational reform policies in Japan, “Sogo Gakka” has been founded to help students formulate career decisions based on their own interests by adopting a system that permits students to create their own curriculum. Since previous studies focused almost exclusively on how the system controls students' career decisions, these studies did not successfully consider the effect of individual students' daily school experiences on their career decision-making process. This study was designed to investigate how students' daily school experiences influence the processes and mechanisms of students' career decisions, through the use of questionnaire/interview. The findings of this study revealed that (1) the only students who are able to make their career decisions based on their interests are those students who attached great importance to their interests at the beginning of their school life, and that, (2) students who placed less importance on incorporating their interests in their career path at the beginning of their school life are more likely to become confused by the process of career determination. In sum, the former are able to make good use of the system, and latter are not able to do that. Results indicated that in the present condition “Sogo Gakka” functions effectively only for a limited type of students, those who have already decided their career paths based on their interests at the beginning of their school life. The implications of these findings and suggestions are discussed. Furthermore, there is a strong possibility that recent high school reform policies such as “Sogo Gakka” may not function effectively and that there is much room for improvements of these recent policies. Recommendations for improving the current system of “Sogo Gakka” are presented as are suggestions for future research to develop.