Children's picture books are one means through which children learn and develop attitudes towards grandparents. The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics used by authors and illustrators to describe grandparent characters. A total of 71 children's picture books published in Japan since 1980 were selected and the contents analyzed. The physical traits used to describe grandparents, the settings in which grandparents are portrayed, the activities that grandparents engage in within their families, and the relationships between grandparents and their grandchildren were examined. The following findings were made. (1) In general, grandparents in children's picture books are dominated by the stereotype of being old. It is clear that the images of grandparents in picture books do not represent the multiple realities of the grandparents of the readers of these books. Their grandparents are often still in the mainstream of life. A very large number of books use grandparents as a vehicle to explain to youngsters some state of dependency or poor health. Grandmothers are more likely to be involved in cooking and caring for grandchildren, whereas grandfathers are more likely to be involved in teaching activities and storytelling. (2) In Japanese picture books, grandparents are often depicted as not being able to live alone and as being dependent on their children for survival. Consequently, grandparents in these books are overwhelmingly portrayed as not being independent. This stereotyping of grandparents is a form of “ageism.” Authors and illustrators need to present a variety of books depicting a diversity of grandparents. Parents and educators need to give actual experiences with a variety of grandparents in order to challenge stereotypic thinking.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the situation of private junior high schools under the old system in modern Tokyo, by analyzing the tendency of entrance into schools, the students' motives for entering, and the students' school careers. The paper then discusses the social functions of schools in the late Meiji Era. The paper begins by examining entrance trends of junior high schools. In the third decade of the Meiji Era (1888-1897), most new students entered at a grade level above the first year, and very few of the graduates had been in the school for the entire five-year enrollment period. This aspect stands out compared with public junior high schools. However, the number of students entering from the first grade of junior high schools gradually increased in number, and the rate reached 60% of total new students in the early Taisho Era (beginning in 1912). The paper then analyzes the school careers of new students. Many had failed to enter private junior high schools directly after graduating from elementary school, and on the other hand a high number of students transferred from other junior high schools and from lower secondary schools. This is because private junior high schools had the following functions: they tended to confer diplomas easily, accept dropouts and let students skip grades. However, the articulation between private junior high schools and elementary schools gradually stabilized after the end of the Meiji Era. In the background of this change was an amelioration policy carried out by the Ministry of Education against the junior high schools, with the Ministry ordering the closure to some schools. Consequently, the above-mentioned functions of private junior high schools were weakened. In a word the private junior high schools in the late Meiji Era were places for “comeback matches, ” which gave a second chance to junior high school dropouts and to students in lower secondary schools. In addition, they offered a shortcut to obtaining a diploma. In conclusion, the paper emphasizes that the centripetal force exerted by Tokyo was based not only on the knowledge available there for students preparing for higher education, but also by the status and privilege conferred by the status of junior high school graduation.
Private higher education is perhaps the fastest-growing segment of postsecondary education worldwide at the turn of the 21st century. Even in recent China, with the expansion and differentiation of higher education, private higher education is growing rapidly. The purpose of this paper is to explore the features of the regional distribution of the private sector and the mechanism of production of the private sector in China. The research questions are as follow. First, what is the mechanism of expansion of the private sector? Second, what are the different growth patterns of the private sector among different regions? The analytical framework is designed to comprehensively explore the mechanism of formation of the private sector. The following four perspectives are presented as a conceptual framework:(1) governmental policy, (2) the conditions of economic development, (3) existing public educational resources, and (4) excess demand. The major findings are summarized as follows: The differences between the supply mechanism of the public sector and the growth mechanisms of the private sector involve economic and institutional factors. Through a multi-regression analysis, it is found that the mechanisms for the private sector are very different from that of the public sector. Concretely, according to the results of the regression analysis, there are two factors determining the formation of private higher education. The first is economic factors (e. g., per capita GDP), and the second the existing resources of public higher education, such as the number of faculty members. These findings suggest that the mechanism of private higher education is characterized as market-initiated, while the mechanism of public higher education is characterized as state-initiated. (2) It is found that the growth patterns of private higher education vary according to region. In the economically developed regions (e. g., Zhejiang Province), the rapid expansion of private higher education is related to the economic success of the region. The increase in the demand for well-educated personnel and the rise in the educational purchasing power of individuals are the reasons leading to private sector expansioni n such regions. This growth pattern can be identified as “market resource dependent.” In regions where public higher education is relatively well developed (e. g., Hubei Province), the rate of expansion of the private sector is related to the existing resources of pubic higher education. In these regions, the private sector has a close relation to the public sector. Faculty members and equipment of neighboring public universities are used by the private higher education institutions to the greatest possible extent. This growth pattern can be identified as “public education resource dependent.” There are also regions where public higher education and economic conditions are both underdeveloped (e. g., Shanxi Province). In the place of the market, the local government plays an important role in the expansion of the private sector. This growth pattern can be identified as “policy-initiated.”
The purpose of this study is to examine the significance of the bodies of kenko-yuryo-ji (children in superior health), by analyzing representations of kenko-yuryo-ji in newspaper articles. The term kenko-yuryo-ji refers to children who were selected as Japan's healthiest children under the Kenko-Yuryo-Ji Hyosho Jigyo (Commendation Project). Section 1 reviews previous studies on kenko-yuryo-ji, pointing to a lack of views on the significance of the bodies of kenko-yuryo-ji. Emphasis is placed on the importance of regarding kenko-yuryo-ji as symbols of the “ideal child” and examining what their bodies signify. Section 2 clarifies the fact that the increase of concern over the health of children in the 1920s generated similar projects to the later Hyosho Jigyo. It then provides an overview of the contents of the Hyosho Jigyo, which was started due to the increase of concern mentioned above. Section 3 considers how representations of kenko-yuryo-ji changed with the continuation of the project, using newspaper articles as the main historical data. The findings are as follows:(1) Due to the difficulty of selecting “Japan's no.1, ” relatively greater importance came to be given to school records and behavior in making the selection, (2) Although the main purpose of the project was to find what makes children healthy, it failed to do so;(3) Nevertheless, the project was continued and press reporting about the school records and behavior of kenko-yuryo-ji increased, (4) Consequently, the “health” of kenko-yuryo-ji not only indicates that their bodies are healthy, but has also come to refer to their innocence and excellence in terms of intelligence and character, and (5) This logic was supported by the following three points; the gymnastics view in the 1930s; “scientific” research on the connection between growth and intelligence/spirit; and the view of children in the 1930s. Section 4 presents a comprehensive consideration of the meaning adopted by the bodies of kenko-yuryo-ji.(298 words)
Organizations of clinical psychologist were organized on two occasions in Japan at the initiative of professional societies. The move toward professionalization in the 1960s used a strategy which gave priority to the acquisition of specialist status and autonomy than to obtaining a state-granted qualification. As a result, it failed to obtain the support of professionals working in the clinical field. However, in the 1970s, the whole clinical mental occupation reached consensus on the need to promote specialist status, from a sense of crisis brought about by the unwillingness of the Ministry of Health and Welfare and doctors to create a qualification. In the second professionalization in the 1980s, calls were made for the advancement of specialist status and the establishment of a training system. Thanks to a strategy of professionalization aimed at developing an educational field, it came to attain “miraculous” growth. This professionalization of clinical psychologists was based on the leadership of professional societies, which developed specialist attributes for the cultivation of a “science-profession” core based on a “dual strategy”, to gain professional status. The clinical psychologists used a dual strategy toward the Ministry of Health and Welfare and the Ministry of Education, expanded the market autonomously and produced a great deal of “science-profession.” However, it can be said that the professional society-led model has the danger of following the route of very unstable professionalization, which can be easily influenced of many domains although it has the potential for expanding new markets and the development of an autonomous training system.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the mechanisms for the reproduction and sustenance of the myth of “male physical superiority” through sport practice, using data from field research in a judo club at a junior high school. The myth of “male physical superiority” refers to the social belief that “males are superior to females in physical capabilities.” The judo club is one of the best sport clubs of the school, and its training is the hardest. Unlike other sport clubs, boys and girls always practice together following the same practice schedule. However, during practice, it is found that they are always gender-segregated, and boy-dominated. That is to say, the gender equality of the practice schedule and gender segregation of the physical relationship are the gender systems of the judo club. In the budo-jo(judo-training room), a fixed “borderline” can be observed between boys and girls. The practiced area for the girls is only a third of the size of that for boys. Girls occasionally try to pass across the “borderline, ” but the subversion is only transitory, and the boys' domination of the budo-jo never wavers. Next, the paper analyzes boy-and-girl pairings for randori(technical training in pairs). When choosing a randori partner, weaker players must ask the stronger players. The boy-and-girl pairings seem like a subversion of gender segregation, but in reality a regularity can be seen in the pairing that does not subvert the male-dominated gender relations. For example, whereas a girl will ask a boy from the same year, boys will only ask girls who are their seniors. Not only judo, but almost all sports have systems that segregate males and females, and prevents them from competing with one another. Gender systems in sport are utilized to sustain the myth of “male physical superiority.” The myth is reproduced by various sport practice, such as the ones observed in a judo club, which are produced from a gender-segregated sport system.