Under the educational system, teachers are given the authority to control and instruct their pupils. However, this authority began to weaken in the beginning of the 1970s as problems involving education, such as deviant behavior and management-oriented educational practices, were socially questioned. In the 1970s and 1980s, junior high school teachers in particular were called upon to rethink their identities as teachers because they faced crises involving deviant behavior among their students, and found it difficult to teach their subjects.
This study examines the teachersʼ culture of authority, based on the life histories of two male junior high school teachers who encountered crises and the collapse of their authority during the 1970s and 1980s. At present, both are school principals. One of the two was born in 1946 and taught physical education to pupils in two schools during the period in question. The other, a science teacher, was born in 1948 and worked at two schools as well.
From their life histories, some important findings are drawn.
First, both teachers interpreted the crises as positive phenomena. They stated that though crises had a negative influence on them, they also led them to construct a new teacher identity.
Second, both believed that teachers should not depend on the authority stemming from the educational system. They tried to gain authority autonomously through communication with their pupils and parents regarding teaching, pastoral care and guidance rather than depending on control over pupils and physical punishment. They believed it was important to construct an image based on authority originating in personal magnetism rather than based on authority related to academic truth and professional knowledge or based on educational system.
Caution should be exercised in generalizing these findings as they are based on only two specific life history cases. However, it should be noted that it is possible to gain insights into teachersʼ culture by focusing on the form of their narratives. From this point of view, it is thought that teachersʼ culture is a form of delicate authority and the teachersʼ authority related to personal magnetism is more important than others.
Therefore, it is thought that deviant behavior by students as a crisis of school education in the 1970s and 1980s led to a change in the teachersʼ culture from one under which it was more important to keep authority based on the educational system to one where it was more significant to retain authority related to personal magnetism.
In a society like Japan, where half of students graduating from high school go on to college, there seems to be a universal belief that anyone who wishes to can gain access to college. In line with this, higher education policy has been directed toward increasing the quality of education. As a consequence, less attention seems to have been given to the ideal of equal opportunities for higher education. However, parental financial support for children has been pushed to the limit because of decreasing public finance and rising tuition at private universities.
Yet there has been little systematic investigation of economic disparities in access to universities and the potential of equal opportunity policy. This article attempts to fill this gap. The 2005 National Students? Career Survey (NSCS) data set, which consists of the data from 4,000 high school seniors and their parents filled by random sampling, provides materials for examining these issues.
We first estimated the marginal effect of the "achievement-income" dummy variables, high school rank, sex, and parent? s education on the probability of university attendance. Secondly, in order to examine the role of national universities, which are supposed to enroll students with "high academic achievement and low-income," we examined mobility patterns of application and admission among respondents as a function of city size, and university type (national/private). After examining the relationship between these patterns, we reported the results of the logit model to predict the marginal effect on four outcomes (national/private, home/away). We then investigated the effectiveness of scholarship loan programs (category 2 loans from JASSO, which bear interest) on the probability of university attendance. And finally, to clarify the reason not of "risk aversion" but of why parents go into debt, and to identify the latent group which applies for the loan program, a latent class analysis was used.
The major findings are as follows: (1) Economic inequality in access to university education still exists after controlling other factors. (2) National universities guarantee post-secondary opportunities for students with "high academic achievement and low-income." (3) Student loan programs based on prior applications do not increase the accessibility of low-income students to colleges. These results show that, rather than loans themselves acting as an incentive, parents who have already intended to enroll their children into university apply for the loan program. (4) Parents who are willing to go into debt belong to a latent class, which are characterized as low-or middle-income, upward mobility.
These findings show that the tight financial conditions facing higher education since the 1990s have changed the incentive structure by creating policies that give low-income families incentives comparable to those of higher-income families. Therefore, guaranteeing college opportunities for the low-income students, and extending opportunities for individual choice, are important problem for higher education policy.
Recently, the effects of treatment in juvenile correctional institutions have begun to gain general attention. However, this attention seems to involve a “distrust” of these treatments and their effects. Can it be said that juveniles are “truly” rehabilitated? This feeling of “distrust” seems to stem from a lack and bias of information on treatment in juvenile correctional institutions. However, at a fundamental level, the distrust may relate to the concept of the “rehabilitation of a person.” In sum, we suppose that rehabilitation is a matter involving the individual's internal being. We suppose that it is impossible in general to approach an individual's mind, but that someone who has professional skills and knowledge relating to research into his internal being can (or may, or must) do so. Because of this understanding of the individual’s mind, we repeatedly ask the question: are juveniles “truly” rehabilitated? An individual’s transfiguration is fundamentally a public matter. So it is an observation or description by an other about an individual's behaviors. From this viewpoint, this paper examines some observable and structural transfiguration of narrative of a juvenile incarcerated in a juvenile correctional institution, and attempts to reconsider “rehabilitation” in the institution. The juvenile, whom we interviewed for our research during a period of about a year, said that the institution he lives in is not a futsu (usual) space compared to general society, because it has very strict and specific rules and norms. He reported they make temptations for disciplinary violence to imprisoned juveniles. In fact he took disciplinary violence before this interview, but he reconstruct himself as a reasonable subject by drawing comparison between “juvenile corrective institutions” and “general society” in the aspect of rule and norm. But some months later when he advanced to the last class, his view regarding the institution, general society, and his self, had changed dramatically. At that time, he told us that the institution and its residents were futsu (normal) compared to the society he had participated in before his incarceration, a delinquent group. This change can be seen as a reform of his self into a member of the general and public society, or a transformation of the relationship between society and self. During the interview, he used the term “juvenile correctional institution” to explain his identity as a member of the public society. Thus, the concept of “juvenile correctional institution” contributed to this change as a narrative-self resource. The paper concludes that this explanation can be reasonable for the juvenile as a story-teller, as he examined relevant and particular events about his life and experience in this institution and outside society. Therefore, the authors perceive “rehabilitation” as an accomplishment within a narrative work between the juvenile and interviewer. We can see this structural and conceptual transfiguration of society/self as a form of “rehabilitation” of juveniles incarcerated (and scheduled to be released) in juvenile correctional institutions.
This paper elucidates the process of socialization in a class of three-year-old children in a kindergarten as a local practice performed by class members. Classical studies of socialization have examined the process of socialization only based on the simplified logic that “learning norms”. This paper reveals the process of “school socialization” as detailed everyday practices.
By analyzing the interaction between the members in a kindergarten class, this paper reveals four things, as follows. First, adjacency pair, a form of “repetition pair,” is used for accomplishing the task of transmitting propositional knowledge and maintaining classroom order. Second, DRE (direction/response/evaluation), a adjacency triple, is used for accomplishing the task of transmitting school norms such as “sitting looking toward the blackboard” and producing-maintaining classroom order to facilitate the later work of knowledge production. Third, the school norm of “sitting looking toward the blackboard” transmitted through the DRE method is constituted by a “blend” of propositional and know-how knowledge. Fourth, DRE is used in situations that involve all the kindergartners, and thus differs from QRE (question/response/evaluation), which is frequently used toward a single learner.
These procedures of “repetition pair” and “DRE” provide important insights for studies of socialization because they demonstrate one of the root aspects of socialization, “scholastic socialization” as “socialization toward socialization,” and simultaneously, these procedures provide suggestions for studies of classroom practices that are not revealed by capturing classroom interactions only as QRE and adjacency triple.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify changes over time of images of working women during the prewar period following World War I in Japan.
I investigated a major women’s magazine (Fujin Kurabu). And, I examined how “ideal image of working women” described in the magazine had changed over time and how the images of working women were affected by the “good wife and wise mother” norm, which was prevailing before then.
Working women at that time can be divided into two different types. One is “traditional working women” who were highly educated or skilled. They included teachers, doctors, and nurses. The other is “modern working women” who worked in the tertiary industry that had developed after World War I, and which did not require a highly educated or skilled labor force. The number of modern working women increased dramatically from the 1920s, and become the dominant pattern among working women. Many of these women, however, worked at low pay and had little chance of career promotions. At first, the modern working women were seen as second class workers in contrast to the traditional working women, who were seen as first class.
The image of the traditional working women, who gained high status and fame, constituted the “ideal image of working women” in the early 1920s. The social trend toward the idea of women’s liberation encouraged this image. The relationship between the working women and the norm of “good wife and wise mother” was actively discussed in the magazine.
On the other hand, it was considered ideal for modern working women, who could not be like the traditional working women, to achieve social promotion not through their jobs but through their job environment. That is, the modern working women gained increased opportunities for marriage in the workplace. Modern working women came to be seen as potential “good wives and wise mothers” and were comparable as an ideal with women who married after graduating from school without ever working. The idea also supported a continuous quantitative expansion of modern working women from the 1920s. As modern women came to occupy the majority of working women in the 1930s, the “ideal image of working women” in the magazine gradually changed from the traditional working woman to the modern working woman. The image of the modern working woman became incorporated into the norm of “good wife and wise mother.”
The purpose of this paper is to elucidate how parentsʼ educational concerns, which help form their childrenʼs aspirations toward academic careers, are affected by regional migration. In this paper, the influence of parental migration on their childrenʼs choice of life course is termed migration effect. It is not discussed simply as regional disparities, but in a way that also considers class and regional factors, and in particular the effects of motherʼs migration on their childrearing.
The data for the analysis is quantitative data from 2002 in Niigata city, one of Tokyoʼs wards, Fukuoka city and Nagasaki city, of parents with children aged 4 years attending a nursery school or kindergarten, in second or fifth grade of elementary school, or in the second year of junior high school (1, 850 valid respondents), as well as qualitative data from interviews conducted in 2006 of informants who had responded to the 2002 research. Tokyo and Fukuoka are classified as big cities, and Niigata and Nagasaki as local cities. The paper investigates the effect on educational concern and behavior of whether one has experience migrating from a big city to a local city, or from a local city to a big city, based on the motherʼs educational achievement.
In general, highly educated mothers who experienced migration themselves are dedicated to their childrenʼs education regardless of the childʼs gender. Mothers who themselves moved from a local city to a big city have the intention to settle down in the big city during their childrenʼs generation. On the other hand, mothers who moved from a big city to a local city assume that their children will eventually migrate to another area. In particular, they take into consideration girlsʼ ambitions related to regional migration. Educational concerns and behaviors differ depending on whether the mother has experienced migration to a local city. For boys, the effect of motherʼs movement is not as important in preventing childrenʼs migration, but mothers who do not have the experience of migrating from a local city intend for their daughters to stay in their area. This leads to concern that the influence of migration effect will lead to a gender gap in regional disparities.