ENGLISH LINGUISTICS

BRANCHING-COMP PHENOMENA AND THE DEFINITION OF C-COMMAND

HEIZO NAKAJIMA

1984 Volume 1 Pages 1-21
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.1

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This paper brings up various ‘branching-COMP’phenomena, and shows that the version of c-command assumed in Chomsky 1981 to treat one branching-COMP phenomenon, i.e. that-trace effects, is inadequate to deal with other branching-COMP phenomena. To overcome the inadequacy, the claim is made that the notion c-command be revised so that any element under COMP will c-command others in embedded Ss, and that a rule be provided which reduces the maximal projection S to S unless there is any element with features between it and another S-type node. For each of the claims, a good deal of evidence is provided independently of the main topic of this paper, branching-COMP phenomena. It is argued, furthermore, that the treatment of that-trace effects based on these claims is more natural than Chomsky's in the light of the generalization of environments where variables may appear.

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THEMATIC SUPERIORITY AND ANAPHORIC BINDING

TAISUKE NISHIGAUCHI

1984 Volume 1 Pages 22-44
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.22

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This article claims that the system of thematic structure determines the structural relation between an anaphor and its antecedent and the local domain in which the relation of anaphoric binding may take place. For the structural relation, we will propose the notion of θ-SUPERIORITY, which represents the relative‘prominence’of a node in terms of thematic structure. The local domain for anaphoric binding will be shown to be the THEMATIC DOMAIN, which is a minimal category containing a θ-assigner and its arguments. This line of analysis will be compared with the‘configurational’ theory of anaphoric binding which is based on such configurational notions as c-COMMAND and ACCESSIBILITY, and some problems with this latter approach will be discussed.

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ON PREPOSITION STRANDING IN NOUN PHRASES

YUKIO OBA

1984 Volume 1 Pages 45-66
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.45

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The question examined here is how the phenomena of preposition stranding in noun phrases can be dealt with in the framework of government-binding theory. It is argued that previous analyses cannot sufficiently account for these phenomena. An alternative analysis is offered, in which the Head Superscript Assignment Rule is proposed and further the Empty Category Principle is modified. It is also shown that this analysis can be extended to empty categories left by wh-extraction from any kind of constituent.

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A REMARK ON FREE RELATIVES IN ENGLISH

TSUGUYO KONO

1984 Volume 1 Pages 67-86
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.67

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In earlier synchronic analyses of free relatives, no distinction is made between conditional free relatives and nonconditional free relatives. After making clear that the conditional/nonconditional distinction is crucial when any serious attempt is made to describe the construction, this paper shows, focusing solely on nonconditional free relatives, that Kuroda 1968 is descriptively more adequate than Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978, as an analysis of nonconditional free relatives in English.

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DERIVATIVE PROCESSES IN AS CONSTRUCTIONS

ISAO INOUE

1984 Volume 1 Pages 87-104
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.87

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In general, NP's, AP's, and PP's can be used as predicatives, but this paper shows that there is a preference for NP over AP and AP over PP when as introduces a predicative under matrix verbs such as regard. We try to account for this preferential hierarchy within the framework of the ‘extension theory’, proposed by Kajita (1977, 1983a, b, c). We propose that as predicatives are prepositional phrases. It is argued that preferential hierarchy follows from the principled hypothesis on PP's that P NP is basic, while P AP and P PP are derivative.

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ARGUMENT STRUCTURE AND THE OUT-PREFIXATION

KANEHARU IRUBE

1984 Volume 1 Pages 105-122
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.105

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The previous analyses of argument structures and their syntactic realizations affected by morphological rules have been concerned primarily with the lexical passive and the able-formation. In this paper, we will argue that the out-prefixation provides empirical support for the analysis based on the syntactic theory of Marantz 1981. In particular, §2 deals with the argument-related property of the out-prefixation, and shows that it poses a difficult problem for the previous approaches to deal with. After presenting an alternative capable of treating the out-prefixation in §3, we will proceed to show how the proposed framework analyzes the lexical passive and the able-formation.

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ON VOWEL ALTERNATION IN ENGLISH

KOJI ONO

1984 Volume 1 Pages 123-138
Published: 1984
Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.1.123

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In this paper, establishing the level of‘syllable’on the segmental sequence, I will first examine the relationship between syllabic structure and vowel alternation. Then I will propose, presenting ample evidence, general rules of vowel tensing and vowel laxing, which have more explanatory power than any other rules that have ever been put forth. Finally, it will be shown that they are reducible to a single rule called Generalized Vowel Alternation Rule.

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