ENGLISH LINGUISTICS
Online ISSN : 1884-3107
Print ISSN : 0918-3701
ISSN-L : 0918-3701
Volume 12
Displaying 1-15 of 15 articles from this issue
  • JUNJI HAMAMATSU
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 1-22
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The focus of this paper concerns the internal structure of the so-called “passive” nominal. It has been suggested that movement occurs in noun phrases as well as in sentences and that apparent discrepancies between the two categories originate from general principles of grammar. The present work reveals that the movement analysis cannot offer any reasonable account for some semantic constraints observed in noun phrases. It is argued that the uniform assignment of a Possessive θ-role triggers those restrictions. As a result, our approach requires that the putative objecthood of prenominal genitive NPs not be represented by means of movement.
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  • HIROSHI TERADA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 23-55
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    An r-expression embedded within an NP, when fronted to a sentence-initial position, cannot be coreferential with the matrix subject. Such disjoint reference, however, disappears or becomes considerably weakened when the antecedent of the r-expression is deeply embedded. We thus propose within the minimalist program that at LF an A'-chain of an argument must have a tripartite (operator-restriction-variable) structure and that the restriction containing an r-expression can be“reconstructed” into any position between the operator and the variable. Thus we can derive the weakening of disjoint reference, since the r-expression can escape from the c-command domain of deeply embedded arguments.
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  • ETSURO SHIMA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 56-72
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this paper, I will provide a unified account for the following three seemingly distinct phenomena in terms of Chomsky's (1995) condition on competing derivations and Collins's (1994) Node Traversing Economy: first, the possible order of topics, preposed negatives, and wh-words in pre-sentence positions; second, the proper binding effects in upward movements; finally, the generalizaion that a CP boundary is a barrier for NP-movement.
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  • KAZUKO INOUE
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 73-95
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper deals with the “experiential” and “causative” readings of have-constructions with infinitival and past participle objective complements in terms of semantic representation. It is proposed that both readings share in common the conceptual structure containing the function INCH-BE where the first argument of BE is an event described by the complement and the second argument the subject NP. The main discussion centers upon the presence of the function INCH-BE and the arguments for the subject NP as the goal to which the event of the complement moves. Furthermore, it is shown that the present analysis will enable us to account for the relations between these constructions and other have-constructions.
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  • NAOAKI WADA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 96-124
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper argues against the general view that the English pluperfect represents the pre-preterite tense, drawing on Klein's (1992, 1994) compositional semantic analysis of the English perfect tenses. It is claimed that a nonfinite perfect represents the intrinsic meaning of the perfect tense, and that the perfect is temporal-structurally different from the preterite: the former describes a composite situation which consists of two distinct sub-situations, while the latter describes a single situation. Based on these claims, the temporal schemata of the pre-perfect and the pre-preterite tenses are proposed to account for distributional differences between the pluperfect and the preterite which refer to the past-in-the-past time domain. In order to explain why only the English finite present perfect is incompatible with an adverbial of definite time-position like at four or on March 29, a revised version of Klein's P(osition)-Definiteness Constraint is offered which can cover more data than Klein's original version.
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  • TADAO MARUTA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 125-146
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this paper, I present a semantic analysis of depictives, arguing that they are not predicates, but rather modifiers of action- or motion/change-eventualities just like a certain subset of adverbials. The key assumption is that the object-related depictive is adjoined to V', modifying the eventuality engaged in by the V'-internal argument(s), and the subject-related depictive is adjoined to VP, modifying the eventuality denoted by the VP. Semantically, they describe circumstantial frames for individual eventualities as they take place. Based on these assumptions, the various properties they exhibit and their distribution will follow without any stipulation. It will also be shown that the c-command requirement on predication is irrelevant with depictives. Because of their semantics, they refer to objective situations, hence non-gradable. This property explains the apparent resistance of Wh-movement in how raw did he eat the meat.
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  • YUKO HORITA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 147-172
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aim of this paper is to propose an alternative analysis of the English resultative construction in a framework of cognitive grammar and to illustrate its superiority over existing syntactic and lexical-semantic approaches to the phenomenon. The analysis here makes use of a graphic representation of an integrated cognitive model, based on Langacker's (1990) canonical event model and Croft's (1990) causal chain. Moreover, the cognitive linguistic account reveals that the manner in which an event is construed determines whether or not the resultative construction may be employed in a given context.
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  • SEIZI IWATA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 173-196
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper examines what it means for image-schematic structures to be preserved in metaphorical mappings (Lakoff (1990, 1992)). It is shown that only those parts of the image-schematic structure which are compatible with the inherent target domain structure are preserved, and that accordingly only parts of inferential structure are preserved. It is also shown that some putative cases of preservation should be analyzed differently, suggesting that what counts as the preservation of an image-schematic structure constitutes a rather delicate problem.
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  • KAZUHISA ISHIKAWA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 197-221
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper aims to study a syntactic change of not in the history of English. It is argued that not and its variants were generated in [Spec, NegP] as XP categories in OE and ME, but they began to be reanalyzed as Neg0 in the sixteenth century. Noting that the OE and ME negative marker ne in Neg0 was missing in some cases, I assume [Neg e] for Neg0 without ne, and propose a licensing condition on [Neg e]. Then I claim that the condition, which was satisfied in OE and ME, began to be violated in the sixteenth century, and not came to fill in [Neg e] to avoid the violation.
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  • SHIGEYASU SAWADA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 222-247
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper offers a lexico-semantic analysis of the relationship between the verb-forming prefix un- and its base verb with the help of some notations proposed in Conceptual Semantics. It is shown how we can capture and represent the function of the prefix un- at the level of conceptual structure. By investigating recurrent patterns and restrictions on syntactic frames into which various classes of un-prefixed verbs enter, we propose a certain rule responsible for specifying an effect on the conceptual structure of the base verb. A plausible explanation will also be given to the relationship between ordinary un-prefixed verbs and denominal un-prefixed verbs at the conceptual structure level.
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  • HIDEKI ZAMMA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 248-271
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The present paper proposes an analysis accounting for the stress behavior of words with the suffixes -ory/-atory and -ive/-ative as an alternative to Halle and Vergnaud's (1987) “stress domain” analysis, which cannot be maintained for several reasons. Noticing that the suffix -ate exhibits a special property in English word formation, we postulate a special condition on this suffix which requires that it not bear stress. As our analysis also resolves all problems found in the “stress domain” analysis, it successfully predicts the correct stress of words with -ion/-ation.
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  • HIROAKI TANAKA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 272-278
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Phonetics and Phonology 4: Studies in Lexical Phonology, ed. by Sharon Hargus and Ellen M. Kaisse, Academic Press, San Diego, California, 1993, xiv+415pp
    MASAHIDE ISHIHARA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 279-298
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Verbs and Diachronic Syntax: A Comparative History of English and French, by Ian Roberts, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 1993, x+373pp
    MASAYUKI OHKADO
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 299-318
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Syntax of Scope, by Joseph Aoun and Yen-hui Audrey Li, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1993, ix+225pp
    NORIAKI YUSA
    1995 Volume 12 Pages 319-346
    Published: 1995
    Released on J-STAGE: December 24, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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