ENGLISH LINGUISTICS

Article

EXTRAPOSITION AND CYCLIC SYNTAX

MANABU MIZUGUCHI

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 293-328
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_293

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This paper explores extraposition from NP and claims that it provides evidence for the cyclic model of derivations proposed in the recent Minimalist Program. We propose that an extraposed phrase, which is base-adjoined, is interpretively associated with its host in the semantic component via cyclic Transfer. We show that the proposed analysis can give a natural account to attested properties of extraposition. Through our investigation, we demonstrate that our proposal not only endorses a Minimalist view of syntactic derivations but also has theoretical consequences for the way C_HLconstructs derivations, proposing a more derivationally oriented phase theory. We also argue that the proposed analysis straightforwardly explains well-formed sub-extraction from subjects.

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HEADED RELATIVES, FREE RELATIVES, AND DETERMINER-HEADED FREE RELATIVES

TAICHI NAKAMURA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 329-355
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_329

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This article is concerned with what we will call determiner-headed free relatives (DHFRs), e.g. this is the what you do against the Rams. We argue, based on the raising analysis of relative clauses, that this type of relative is a variant of headed relatives whose invisible nominal head is derived from (i) decomposing wh-words into [_D wh-] and [_N -at], (ii) raising the latter as the nominal head, and (iii) pronouncing the original copy. This analysis attributes their headed-relative-like properties and their unique properties to their invisible nominal head. It also suggests that the raising analysis of DHFRs is preferable to the matching analysis.

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Brief Article

PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTISERS AND SPLIT CP STRUCTURE IN ENGLISH

JUNJI HAMAMATSU

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 356-373
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_356

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Prepositions do not take that-clauses as complements. They nonetheless seem to take wh-clausal complements, as in her explanation of what (else) happened. However, such an analysis is mistaken both empirically and theoretically. Instead, I present an analysis in which what seems to be a preposition taking a wh-clausal complement is actually a complementiser that is inside the CP system. More specifically, the prepositional complementiser is argued to be in Force in Rizzi’s split CP structure. It is also claimed that the complementiser of is a realisation of genitive Case. This leads to the generalisation of the Visibility Condition on Case to the clause.

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COVERT PIED-PIPING IN JAPANESE WH-QUESTIONS

HISASHI MORITA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 374-393
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_374

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It will be argued that Agree alone is not sufficient to derive wh-questions in Japanese contra Watanabe (2006) and Munakata (2006). Specifically, covert movement or pied-pipng must follow after Agree. To validate this claim, three new pieces of evidence will be presented: scope interaction, de re/de dicto interpretations of nan-satu no NP ‘how many NPs,’ and long-distance construal of zibun-zisin ‘oneself.’ This claim, if true, supports Chomsky's (2004, 2007, 2008), in which he argues that covert movement (or pied-piping) and Agree are distinct operations. Hence, Chomsky's (2000, 2001) claim that there is no covert movement in the syntactic module should be rejected.

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Notes and Discussion

THE MAR ‘AS’ CONSTRUCTION IN ULSTER IRISH AND ITS THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS

DÓNALL P. Ó BAOILL, HIDEKI MAKI

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 394-404
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_394

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Article on a Specified Topic

INTRODUCTION: THE EMERGENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES FROM A CROSS-LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE

FUYO OSAWA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 405-410
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_405

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THE EMERGENCE OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES IN THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH: ONTOGENY AND PHYLOGENY IN LANGUAGE

FUYO OSAWA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 411-436
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_411

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This paper claims that the drastic change in the English language can be better explained in terms of the emergence of functional categories, assuming that language shifts from a lexical-thematic stage to a functional stage over time. The process of first language acquisition of English children also embodies this shift. Old English is supposed to have lacked functional categories such as DP, TP and CP. Many syntactic phenomena related to these functional categories were absent in Old English. They were made possible later after these functional categories emerged. First language acquisition is also described as the process of acquiring functional categories. This parallelism between ontogeny and phylogeny is attested in the relation between aspect and tense.

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RETHINKING FUNCTIONAL PARAMETRIZATION: A VIEW FROM HONORIFICATION IN THE NOMINAL DOMAIN IN JAPANESE

HIROMU SAKAI, ADRIAN IVANA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 437-459
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_437

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Research on Japanese-English comparative syntax has argued that the Japanese-type languages lack functional categories. Nevetheless, certain syntactic phenomena in Japanese have often been argued to support intricate phrase architecture with multiple layers of functional projections as assumed in the English-type languages. Faced with this apparent contradiction, this paper rethinks the role of functional categories in the theory of parameters from the viewpoint of honorification in the nominal domain in Japanese. The result shows that parametric variation between the two types of languages should be attributed to a more fine-grained difference as to how categories with lexical content are integrated into their syntactic computation.

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NOTES ON FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES IN GERMAN

YASUHITO HOSAKA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 460-475
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_460

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Functional categories are generally considered to be present in every language. For example, the functional categories C and T are assumed to be present in those languages which have complementizers and finite forms of verbs. In this paper it is shown that German has only one functional category F with properties of C and T in pre-VP position. In the course of the history of German, this position was introduced for finite verbs that were moved to pre-VP position. The position is available not only as a landing site for finite verbs, but also a slot for complementizers. Its hybrid nature has persisted into modern German.

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THE EMERGENCE OF CP

MICHIO HOSAKA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 476-496
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_476

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Through a CP projection, a sentence can be expanded to host such elements as WH and topic words and to become an embedded clause. However, it is not well explained why CP has such a dual nature. This article shows that the multilayered structure of CP and the diachronic change from parataxis into subordination can be explained under the hypothesis of the emergence of a functional category. More specifically, it explains why a functional category emerged in the early stage of proto-languages and how it developed into split CP projections and how subordination was grammaticalized in the course of diachronic change.

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Review Article

NULL AND LEXICAL SUBJECTS OF GERUNDS

The Minimalist Syntax of Defective Domains: Gerunds and Infinitives, by Acrisio Pires, Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today vol. 98, John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 2006, xiv+188pp.

YUKI ISHIHARA

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 497-527
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_497

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This review article examines Pires’s (2006) analysis of gerunds in English. The distribution of clausal gerunds with/without overt subjects as well as that of TP-defective gerunds is investigated to see how well Pires’s Case-theoretic account is empirically motivated. We also examine the properties of the subjects of gerunds in adjunct positions, since Pires, following Hornstein, argues that they involve obligatory control. It is shown that some adjuncts, especially those that precede main clauses, have properties of nonobligatory control.

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SCOPE OF NEGATION AND NEGATIVE POLARITY ITEMS IN JAPANESE

Nihongo Hiteibun no Kozo: Kakimazebun to Hiteikoo Hyogen (The Structure of Negative Sentences in Japanese: Scrambling and Neg-sensitive Elements), by Kiyoko Kataoka, Kurosio, Tokyo, 2006, vi+282pp.

MASAKAZU KUNO

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 528-549
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_528

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It is commonly believed that Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) in Japanese must be c-commanded by a sentential negation marker in the same local domain. The book under review challenges this common belief, taking up three kinds of NPIs (rokuna-, sika- and wh-mo-NPIs), and claims that the latter two must occur outside the scope of negation. The present paper reviews this claim and points out a couple of problems from the viewpoint of where negation is expressed in a sentence with an NPI. It will be shown that rokuna- and sika-NPIs, unlike wh-mo-NPIs, constitute a semantic locus of negation, hence a different grouping emerges. A solution will be suggested to reconcile this apparent contradiction.

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THE MANNER-MOTION CONFLATION PARAMETER: IS THE SYNTACTIC APPROACH BETTER?

On the Syntactic Composition of Manner and Motion, by Maria L. Zubizarreta and Eunjeong Oh, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2007, xii+228pp.

KENTARO NAKATANI

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 550-572
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_550

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The present article critically reviews Zubizarreta and Oh (henceforth, Z&O)’s (2007) work, which proposes novel syntactic treatments of the well-known “manner-motion conflation” parameter among languages such as Korean, Germanic, and Romance (Talmy (1985)) and of a serial-verb construction parameter that explains the difference between Edo and Korean. Because there has been a long tradition of lexicalist studies on these matters (Talmy (1985), Pinker (1989), Kageyama (1993), Rappaport Hovav and Levin (1998), among others), Z&O’s work is specifically examined to see if their approach is advantageous over the lexicalist approach in terms of the predictability of the parameter setting. It is shown in the present article that Z&O’s approach is actually not as explanatory as they argue—at least it is hard to conclude that their approach has been proven better.

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Obituary

S.-Y. Kuroda (1934–2009)

SHIGEO TONOIKE

2009 年 26 巻 2 号 p. 573-576
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2013/10/07

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.9793/elsj.26.2_573

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