(This is an article which the late Prof. Dr. S. Ogura intended to contribute to the Festschrift commemorating Dr. K. Kindaichi's 60th birthday in 1942. Unfortunately the Festschrift could not be published owing to the eruption of the World War. Meanwhile Dr. Ogura died and this has been left unpublished.) Ia) In the consonantal system of the present Korean there is a peculiar series of k, t, p, c and s, opposed to the series of simple k, t, p, c and s. They are commonly called “toin-siot.” The writer quotes various opinions on their nature including his own and has concluded that the pecvliarity of these consonants lies in the co-existence of laryngal explosion.
Ib) These consonants seem to be of comparatively late origin, and judging from the older orthography they are developed from consonant clusters, -k, t, p, c and s, preceded by s or p or both-; e.g. sk, st, ps etc.
2) The earlier Korean alphabet had o, a letter which has disappeared in later days. This letter was used in transcribing Chinese sounds as well as in the representations of Sino-Korean. It was employed also in Korean words.
a) o represented the category of initial, ying (影), of Chinese phonology. The writer discusses about the phonetic value of ying and supports the theory that it was a laryngal explosive.
b) The letter was also used for denoting the final of “ju-sheng”(入声). From the nature of ju-sheng found in various Chinese dialects the letter is considered to represent a laryngal explosive.
In connection with o the problem of is 〓 discussed. It was invented for the initial fei (非) category, i. e. the surd unaspirated labial fricative. But it was also used for representing the final of a certain “ju-sheng” group, i. e. the rimes藥, 鐸and 覺, 〓 used as the final seems to denote w or u. Further this letter was employed in Korean words, too. In that case the letter appears to represent w.
c) In Sino-Korean o was added to the final -r (<-t) in order to emphasize the “ju-sheng” character.
3) In genuine Korean words o was employed in the following cases:
i) it was added to the adnominal form -r of verb;
ii) it was inserted between two juxtaposed nouns in genitive construction.

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In the study of language, the author distinguishes three levels: 1) utterance, 2) sentence, and 3) form.“Utterance” is an actual event of speech, and according to him, “sentence” is an abstraction of the first degree, and “form” is an abstraction of the second degree. For instance, we think that various utterances: “Is this your book?” of various speakers correspond to the same sentence ‘Is this our book’ The meaning of the utterances differ according to the situations in which they are uttered. We assume, however, that the meaning of the corresponding sentence remain the same. Next, we assume that this sentence is composed of four words (i. e. minimal free forms): is, tbis, your, book. Words are abstractions from sentences. The meaning of words is more abstract than that of the sentence which they compose. The meaning of a sentence is not a mere sum of the meanings of the constituent words. Thus, in the above sentence, is and this, your and book are connected in meaning and then is this and your book are connected. The “interrogative” meaning which the word-order and the intonation denote does not belong to any of these words. Let us call the meaning of words or morphemes as “sememe.”
In the study of sememe, we have to be careful of the following two points. It is extremely important to discriminate the sememe from the meaning of a fraction of utterance. On the other hand, we have to strive to get rid of view-points of the other languages, not only in the observations of a foreign language but also in the study of our own native tongue.
As an illustration, the author tries to describe the sememes of some of the conjugational endings of Khalkha-Mongol verbs, commenting on Prof. Poppe's description. For example, while Prof. Poppe describes four meanings of the Mongol -na(--ne--no--nö), the author sets up only one assumption of sememe: “the action which is grasped as momentary will surely be performed after the moment of utterance.” He also refers to the Tatar and Japanese languages. According to him, Anton Marty's analyses of meaning are deeply influenced by the German language. Marty deals with the German way of thinking rather than general laws of human thought.

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II se trouve dans le II° livre du Chouo-yuan (Suo-üan) de Liou-Hiang (environ le commencement de I'ère Chrétienne) une chanson nautonière dite Yuëh encore indéchiffrée qui pourrait, cependant, se lire en cam en se donnant, d'une manière un peu grossière, on le sait, une prononciation chinoise «ancienne»(du 6° siècle) de Karlgren (voir pp.42-43). La chanson, au nombre de trcnte-huit de caractères chinois, se diviserait en huit vers. Le sens général en serait:
(Un nautonier Yueh transportant un prince sur le fleuve Yan-tse)
«(I) J'adore, oh, un homme quiest un prince.(2) J'adcre, oh, ce grand prince.(3) Je sais, oh, ce grand prince.(4) Prince juste! prince cher!(5) Moi, je suis bien heureux.(6) Je me lui soumets du fond de mon coeur.(mot-à-mot: mon coeur se lui soumet).(7) Tous sont en état prospère.(8)(Moi) seul, je le salue longuement.»
Ce déchiffrement, s'il est juste, pourrait être une preuve de l'existence ancienne d'une tribu d'une langue dite du «Sud» dans la région centrale.

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I. The form of the Austronesian words is generally of dissyllabic type (C)+v+C+v+(C), of which C represents respectively a consonant and v a vowel; the first and the last C may be missing.
Here with the first two consonants, we have the phenomena of so-called “nasal compensation” which consists in the morphological nasalisation of homorganic occlusives, e. g. Malay degar “to hear”: me-negar “to hear, ”(ancient form), and the phenomena of “nasal prothesis” by which an occlusive may receive a homorganic nasal before itself, e. g. Malay degar “to hear, hearing”: me-ndegar “to hear.”
With the nasal compensation of the type (Malay) sakit “sick”: me-n'akit “sickness, ” we have to recognize the origin of s in a sort of occlusive t homorganic to n′, that is a t′.

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The study of the Ch'ieb Yün system should be conducted entirely independent of the Sung dynasty rhyme tables. As to the upper ch'ieh characters of the Kuang Yün, Luh Chi-wei divided 51 groups in his “51 Groups of initials of the Kuang Yün, a Formal Proof.”(YJCS 25. 1939. 1-58), and applying the same cross reference method to the T'ang dynasty rhyme books, Ling Ta-t'ing proved that there were similar tendencies in these rhyme books and the Kuang Yün (YJCS 26. 1939. 129-142). The 319 rhyme groups, divided by Luh in the same paper, were, as he noticed it, only “the starting point of a study” and not “the result of a study.” The author of this paper classifies the rhymes of Cb'ieb Yün, with reference to the Luh's 51 initial groups and not to the Sung rhyme tables, as follows:
I Group chiefly uses the Division II characters.
II Group chiefly uses the Division II characters and Group B of the Division I characters.
III Group chiefly uses the Divsion I characters.
As to the so-called “fan-ch'ieh doublets”(重紐) that appear in the C and D initial Groups of the III rhyme Group, some scholars assume the difference in medials (-i-, -ï-) and someone in the principal vowels. Mostly, the lower ch'ieh characters represent the distribution of the class, and A initial Group belonged undoubtedly to the palatal (or closer vowel) class, and B1 Group (側series) to the neutral (or opener vowel) class. But the position of the B2 Group (陟series) within III Group, being not clearly pointed out by fan-ch'ieh, can not be decided. The examination of fanch'ieh show the following pattern:〓The author, then, interprets the doublets as the difference in the initial consonant phonemes: ki-, kji-; pi-, pji-(instead of ki-, ki-; pi), tji-, tci-, tsi-, li-, etc.
As the former interpretations, this one also does not fit the distribution of the Sung rhyme tables. The Yün Ching arranges as follows:〓(N. B. A1 includes之, 昌, 食, 式, 時, 而, 以, sub-groups and A₂ includes 子, 七, 疾, 息, 徐sub-groups. In the above table, however, 以sub-group belongs to A₂).
The main problem is the position of A₁ in III Division (except. 以sub-group), and according to the author's view, if such arrangement of the Yün Cbing is acknowledged, the sound shift, from the dorsal consonant (in the Cb'ieb Yün) to apical, must be assumed to have occured between the time of the Cb'ieb Yün and that of compilation of the Yün Cbing: tG->t∫-, tG'->t∫'-, dz>d3-, G->∫-, z->3-. az->3. This phenomena will explain easily why the “30 (or 36) initial alphabets” 三十 (六) 字母compound 之 (tG-) series with 側 (ts-) series and not with 子 (ts-) series.
The Yün Cbing is, therefore, not a mere indication of the Cb'ieb Yün system, but in the interpretation of the latter system it reflects the phonemic system of the time of its compilation.

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Orokko Dialect has /ö/ as one of vowel phonemes. It corresponds to the halfclose outer-back rounded vowel [o]. The photograph shows the pronunciation of [o:]. At least some dialects of Tungus have probably a vowel corresponding to /ö/, like Orokko Dialect. The author emphasizes that, in the study of Tungus, it is important to describe the difference between such a vowel and other vowels.

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Far back into the heart of European Russia, where wild flowers bloom extravagantly along the bleak river-sides of the Kama, there we find a time-honoured people, generally known as “Permians.” We usually divide them into two smaller branches, the Syryens, or Komi, and the Wotyaks, or Udmurt, the languages of which are no doubt akin to each other.
In this paper I have tried to mention the accent-characteristics exclusively seer in these two branches. Moreover, they have been reported to have many sub, dialects, such as Izma, Sysola, Udora, East and West Permyak, and Vycegda as the Syryen subdivided dialects, and Malmyz, Ufa, Glazov, Besserman, Malmyz-Urzum, Yelabuga, Kazan and Sarapul as the Wotyak subdivided dialects.
On scrutinizing each of these subdialects carefully, we are sure to come to a conclusion that no rule seems to be made available to describe its accent-condition satisfactorily. In the subdialects both of Izma and Sysola, the accent falls without exception on the first syllable, while in the subdialect of Udora it has the tendency to fall always on the penult syllable, and sometimes on the first syllable. However, in the subdialects of East and West Permyak and Vycegda, the case is somewhat different from the others. It seems to be a matter of chance on what syllable the acent may fall. Sometimes the accent seems to fall on the first syllable, sometimes on the last, and even sometimes on the penult, every time causing at least a slight change in the vowel tone in every syllable of the words. How they choose their accent is so fluctuating a matter that these subdialects give us an idea of what their older ancestors had as their accent-characteristics.
This accentual phenomenon can be ascertained further in many of the Wotyak subdialects. The subdialects of Malmyz-Urzum and Yelabuga have an accent on the last syllable, while the subdialect of Malmyz usually has it on the first syllable. The subdialects of Ufa, Glazov, and Besserman, on the other hand, are apt to show their eccents on the last but one syllable.
However, the case is somewhat different in the subdialects of Kazan and Sarapul. Many researchers have described the characteristics of the accent in these subdialects, but, strange to say, their opinions seldom have been consistent. They have had little in common. One says it seems to fall on the last syllable, while another holds an opinion that it tends to fall on the first syllable. This inconsistency seems to give us some clue to the characteristics of the Finno-Ugric accent.
As is seen above, the Permian languages show many accentual divergencies in their subdialects. However, on the other hand, there is also a tendency which we can say in the affirmative that an incessant endeavour has been shown to make the divergencies as little as possible: in Syryen, roughly speaking, the position where the accent falls seems to have become settled on the first syllable, while the language of Wotyak shows a general preference to let it stand on the last syllable. Nevertheless, there are some resistants. There are some subdialects in each of the languages which refuse to be joined into this common renovation.
These few remnants which are counted to be the resistants against this general movement remind us of, as it were, a legitimate child whose hereditary character has come down directly from the Finno-Ugric ancestors. In other words, some of these Permian subdialects are the only reflection which shows up the ancient phase of accent which the Finno-Ugric ancestors, or at least the ancient Permian ancestors, seemed to have. From these facts, I have come to the conclusion, I should say, that, when the Syryen and the Wotyak languages were much more closely related, the characteristics of their accent were not those of an immovable accent but those of a movable accent, which they have already forgotten at the earliest stage of their history.

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These few remnants which are counted to be the resistants against this general movement remind us of, as it were, a legitimate child whose hereditary character has come down directly from the Finno-Ugric ancestors. In other words, some of these Permian subdialects are the only reflection which shows up the ancient phase of accent which the Finno-Ugric ancestors, or at least the ancient Permian ancestors, seemed to have. From these facts, I have come to the conclusion, I should say, that, when the Syryen and the Wotyak languages were much more closely related, the characteristics of their accent were not those of an immovable accent but those of a movable accent, which they have already forgotten at the earliest stage of their history.

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