GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)

Remarks on Lithuanian Accentology

Michio YANO

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 1-20
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: December 22, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.1

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Show abstractHide abstract

The content of this paper is summarized as follows:
1. The so-called acute intonation of Proto-Lithuanian was a broken intonation which owed its origin to the loss of IE laryngeal and was characterized not only by a glottal stricture but also by a sudden rising of voice and a rather strong breath pressure.
2. Leskien's Law operated only in the accented final syllables of broken intonation. Thus the shortening of the accented final syllables of broken intonation was a regular phonetic change, but that of the unaccented long final syllables was an analogical change influenced by the preceding type of shortening.
3. De Saussure's Law is the advancement of accent from the circumflected or short syllables to the immediately following syllables which got a broken intonation owing to the loss of IE laryngeal and thus showed a rather strong breath pressure.
4. Hirt's Law is the retraction of accent from the final syllables to the preceding syllables which also got a broken intonation owing to the loss of IE laryngeal and showed a rather strong breath pressure.

View full abstract

Download PDF (711K)
Syllable Final Stops in Southern Chinese

Ray IWATA

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 21-39
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.21

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Show abstractHide abstract

In the present investigation, laryngeal features of the syllable final stops-p, -t, -k and- in the two Southern Chinese dialects of Cantonese and South Min were studied by fiberoptic observation of the larynx.
The basic laryngeal feature of final stops in Southern Chinese is an adducted gesture of the glottis with an increased degree of supraglottic laryngeal constriction after the oral implosion. This type of laryngeal gesture is referred to as “glottalization” in the present paper. In corticulation with ensuing sounds, however, the glottalized gesture disappears and an abducted gesture of the glottis is observed when the ensuing sound is any voiceless consonants except for /h/. Such types of coarticulatory gesture can be interpreted purely in terms of phonetics.
Finally, a cross-language comparison was made between Southern Chinese and Korean in reference to the laryngeal features of syllable final stops. Some recent studies have clarified that final stops in Korean are characterized by a small glottal opening, rather than glottalization. It is assumed that the different manners of laryngeal gesture found between geneologically unrelated languages may be a segmental manifestation of a difference at the suprasegmental level

View full abstract

Download PDF (979K)
The Tone Melody of the Hirosaki Dialect

Yasuhide KOBAYASHI

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 40-67
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.40

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Show abstractHide abstract

The tone system of the Hirosaki dialect is discussed in this paper. The basic tone melody of the Hirosaki Dialect is LH (Low-High) and all syllables become high-toned before a phrase boundary if followed by another phrase. The lowering of a final tone before a phrase is a mirror image process of the Tokyo dialect's Initial Lowering. The lowering of a tone is arbitrary and predictable, and we cannot say that there is a falling of tone after an accented syllable, but we rather say that there is a rising of tone before an accented syllable. As the basic tone melody of the Hirosaki dialect is just the opposite of that of the Tokyo dialect, HL, the Tone Association Rules of the Hirosaki dialect are partially different from those of the Tokyo dialect, and the domain of application is also different for each other. There are three kinds of accent movement rules in the Hirosaki dialect. When a final accented word is followed by a certain type of enclitic, the accent moves to the initial syllable of the enclitic. When an accented consonant stem verb is followed by a -ta or -te suffix, the accent moves to the suffix. The third rule moves the accent of the first syllable to the second syllable with a non-high vowel within a word boundary. Finally, Downdrift is presented to derive a surface tone melody in acual speech.

View full abstract

Download PDF (664K)
Adverbials and Sentential Anaphora in English and Japanese

Kenichi TAKAMI

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 68-94
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.68

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Show abstractHide abstract

This paper is concerned with the relationships between adverbials and sentential anaphors (e.g. it, that, sore, Ø), and considers whether or not an adverbial in a preceding (succeeding) sentence is included in the antecedent of a sentential anaphor.
Sections 1.1 and 2.1 make clear that a sentential adverbial is always excluded from the antecedent of a sentential anaphor, as seen in (la, b).
(1) a. Probably John will pass the exam and everyone expects it.
b. To my regret, the man is an alcoholic, but Mary denies it.
Sections 1.2 and 2.2 deal with predicate adverbials, and argue that a predicate adverbial is either included in or excluded from the antecedent of a sentential anaphor, which depends upon the context, or the speaker-hearer's pragmatic knowledge. Observe the following examples, where in (2a) suddenly is excluded from the antecedent and in (2b) it is included.
(2) a. Suddenly Elsa jumped on the roof of the car. She liked it.
b. Suddenly it began to rain, but they say it often occurs in this district.
In 1.3 and 2.3 it is argued that a strictly subcategorized adverbial never fails to be included in the antecedent of a sentential anaphor, as seen in (3a, b).
(3) a. Terry dresses elegantly. Everyone admires it.
b. Rosa put her legs on the desk. it irritated John.

View full abstract

Download PDF (752K)
On Anaphora in English, especially in regard to the Non-Agentive Emotive Causative Construction

Shigeko SUGIURA

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 95-122
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.95

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Show abstractHide abstract

In this article, we will review theories on English anaphora, examine several aspects of English which previous theories fail to account for or account for erroneously, and propose an alternative.

View full abstract

Download PDF (791K)
Passive and Subcategorization

Ryuichi WASHIO

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 123-143
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.123

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (708K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 144-155
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.144

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (486K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 156-171
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.156

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (582K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 172
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.172

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (34K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 173-174
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.173

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (64K)
German Expletive ES and Syntactic Parameters

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 174-175
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.174

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (65K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 175-176
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.175

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (66K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 176-177
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.176

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (69K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 178-179
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.178

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (46K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 179-180
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.179

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (54K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 180-181
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.180

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (56K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 181-182
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.181

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (60K)
[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japanese]

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 183
Published: April 01, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.183

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (37K)
Erratum to : On the Manabe

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 191a
Published: 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.87_191a

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (39K)
Erratum to : On the Manabe

1985 Volume 1985 Issue 87 Pages 191b
Published: 1985
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1985.87_191b

JOURNAL FREE ACCESS

Download PDF (39K)

Register with J-STAGE for free!