言語研究

古代ゲルマン語の動詞の態 (diathesis) の一形相

ja-語幹をもつ強変化動詞の場合

手嶋竹司

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 1-17
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/12/22

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.1

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In the Old Germanic languages there are a number of strong verbs which do not belong to those of the normal type. It is a well-known fact that the Old Germanic verbal system consists of the two main groups, that is, the strong and the weak verbal constructions. In principle, the former group is characterized by the vowel gradation (Ablaut) of the verbal stem, whereas most of the latter group are derivatives from the other word classes by means of different derivative suffixes. However in practice there are some exceptions to this rule. Some Old Germanic strong verbs have at once the vowel gradation typical of the strong verbs and the stem-formative element which is characteristic of the weak verbs as well. Some examples of these verbs are *sitjan (sit), *ligjan (lie) and bidjan (bid), and apparently they all have the stem-formative element -ja- in common, which belongs generally to one of the weak verb derivative suffixes. The purpose of the present paper is to throw light upon the original semantic function of this formative and the reason why the formative -ja- has been unextinguished only in these few verbs. Wackernagel explains that the Indo-European language had originally two voices, active and middle, and that in classical Greek the use of the Indo-European middle voice was well preserved. Generally speaking, the middle voice expresses the movement and action which starts from the sentence-subject and goes back again to itself. But this very wide conceptionally orientated explanation does not suffice for the explanation of the particular detailed distinction of the use and function of the middle voice. That is why Wackernagel divides the principal use of the middle voice into five semantic functions. According to his explanation, one of these functions consists in the expression of the special condition that the subject acts only for itself, not for the other. These Old Germanic strong verbs with the formative -ja- are traceable to the means to express the Indo-European middle voice. For example compare the Germanic verbs *sitjan and *ligjan with Greek medium tantum ημαι(I sit) and κεται(I lie).
The functions of the middle voice correspond mainly to those of the dative reflexive pronoun. That is the reason why the above-mentioned exceptional Old Germanic strong verbs with the formative -ja- are often accompanied by a dative reflexive form. This rule can also be applied to some other strong verbs with the formative and to some very common intransitive verbs expressing departure or arrival.
In the course of further historical development the role which was formerly performed by the middle voice has been transmitted to the assignment of the dative reflexive form so much the more, as the middle voice has disappeared gradually from the morphological and functional levels.

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サモア語数詞の統語的特性

塩谷亨

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 18-43
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.18

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本稿は, サモア語数詞の統語的特性を示すことを目的とする。
サモア語における数詞は, 基本的には, ただ二つの用法, すなわち, 動詞的用法と名詞的用法のみをもつ。動詞的用法においては, 数詞は, 時制・相マーカーと共に動詞句を形成し, 名詞的用法においては, 冠詞と共に名詞句を形成する。名詞を限定する際には, 数詞は, 時制・相マーカーと共に関係節を形成する。これは, 動詞的用法の中に含めることができる。
この解釈によると, 複合数詞, 年令表現, 数え上げ, のような数詞の諸用法がうまく説明される。
更に, 数表現においてよく使われる小辞eは, 元々は分類辞であったのが, サモア語において, 時制マーカーとして, 再解釈された, という仮説を提示した。

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標準語形の計量的性格と地理的分布パターン

井上史雄

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 44-72
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.44

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In this paper, a geographical data matrix of dialectal forms which coincide with Standard Japanese forms was processed to ascertain the relation between their geographical distribution patterns and the dates of their appearance in documents. 80 Standard Japanese forms which are found in the “Linguistic Atlas of Japan” were classified by the centuries of their appearance in documents. Total values of usage for each prefecture were calculated. The resulting maps for four historical eras show that the oldest forms show a wide distribution throughout Japan, and that the newer forms show a small distribution area around Tokyo. The Kansai region where the old capital of Kyoto was situated shows less usage of standard forms.
By referring to Tokugawa (1972), it was maintained that the forms had been produced continuously in the Kansai region in pre-modern ages. The forms, however, were not adopted as Standard Japanese, because the center of Japanese culture moved east to Edo (modern Tokyo). Thus a model of lexical diffusion from cultural centers was presented.
Some other statistical characteristics of lexical nature were also examined, using multi-variate analyses. The time of an item's appearance in documents shows a close relation to its frequency of usage. Hayashi's quantificational theory type 3, cluster analysis and factor analysis showed that forms which are frequently used appear early in literature, and that forms which are rarely used appear later. The logical relation of historical changes in vocabulary was also discussed.

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極性一致の付加疑問文

談話の流れの中で

稲木昭子

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 73-94
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.73

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This paper aims to clarify some characteristics of Cp (constant polarity) tag sentences compared with Rp (reversed polarity) ones, in relation both to preceding utterances and following responses. Cp tag sentences are classified into two types in terms of what the RC (reference clause, on which a tag question is formed) states.
In A type, the speaker of a Cp tag sentence echoes the whole or some part of the preceding utterance in the RC to which a Cp tag is added. He expresses his opinion of this preceding utterance and asks for the hearer's confirmation. Thus the RC is said to be explicitly stated in the preceding utterance. In B type, the speaker interprets the preceding utterance and also the preceding speaker's behavior, and anticipates his next utterance. The RC is the supposed part of the hearer's utterance, not the repetition of the explicit statement in the preceding utterance as in A. This B type is also used when the speaker is describing the situation or the event involving both the speaker and the hearer, by bringing the hearer to commit himself on it. In this case, the RC is the supposed appropriate description of the situation.
RCs of both A and B types are expressions of the metalanguage, used for describing other words-words in the preceding utterance, the supposed part of the hearer's next utterance or the supposed description of the situation.
Cp tag sentences are used basically for stating the speaker's reflection of the RC and asking for the hearer's confirmation, and also denoting the speaker's strong feeling that he hopes that the hearer admits ‘not RC.’

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音韻論における統率について

吉田昌平

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 95-123
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.95

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The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, I will discuss how the possible configurations of syllable constituents are made up, and how these constituents are stitched together to form possible words. Second, I will discuss certain aspects of Japanese phonology in an attempt to show that various phonological events may be successfully explained on the basis of ‘principles and parameters’. This paper is couched in the framework of the government phonology, which has no rule component but sees government as the motor which drives phonological phenomena.

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Li and Thompson (1976) の類型論的言語変化論再考

英語史の観点から

高橋潔

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 124-153
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2013/05/23

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.124

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Li and Thompson (1976) は, 世界中の言語を, [+主語優位 (+Sublectprominent: +Sp), -話題優位 (-Topic-prominent:-Tp)] 型, [-Sp, +Tp] 型, [+Sp, +Tp] 型, [-Sp, -Tp] 型の四つに分類し, さらに, [-Sp, +Tp] 型>[-Sp, -Tp] 型>[+Sp, -Tp] 型>[+Sp, +Tp] 型>[-Sp, +Tp] 型>…と循環的に変化するという類型論的言語変化論を提案した。すると, 印欧祖語は [-Sp, +Tp] 型で現代英語は典型的 [+Sp, -Tp] 型なので, 彼らの理論から, 英語は [-Sp, +Tp] 型から, [-Sp, -Tp] 型を経て [+Sp, -Tp] 型になったと予測される。本稿は, この予測は誤っており, 英語は [-Sp, -Tp] 型ではなく, [+Sp, +Tp] 型を経て変化してきたということを, 四つの類型の言語と古英語の特徴の比較を通して立証する。

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書評・紹介　Denis Sinor (ed.)　The Uralic Languages, Description, History and Influences (1988)

小泉保

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 154-162
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2013/05/23

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.154

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書評・紹介　Jean Aitchison著　Words in the Mind : An Introduction to the Mental Lexicon

入谷敏男

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 163-168
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2013/05/23

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.163

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第99回大会研究発表要旨

鼻は象が長い-節文の次元構造を考える

田原薫, Kiyoharu ONO

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 169-170
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.169

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In this paper we have attempted to identify the source sentence ofwhat is called the unagi-bun. After a brief description of typical unagibunsentences, we have examined six hypotheses on the source of theunagi-bun. They are the no-da, copula, response, cleft sentence, propredicationand ellipsis hypotheses.
We have refuted the no-da hypothesis from the semantic point ofview; copula and cleft sentence hypotheses because of their requirementof two variables in the sentence; response hypothesis because of itsrequirement of a question as a precondition for the existence of theunagi-bun; and propredication hypothesis in terms of the boundness ofthe sentencehood marker da, its emptiness in meaning and its identicalbehaviour in optionality between the unagi-bun and ordinary da-patternsentences.
We have then confirmed Kuno's ellipsis hypothesis based on thesyntactic asymmetry of su-ru ‘do’ and da in substituting for active andstative predicates. Finally, we have argued for optionality of da-attachment and proposed this rule as a global convention.

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第99回大会研究発表要旨

名詞句の解釈をめぐって

西山佑司

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 171-172
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.171

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日本語における格形の相互交換について

「弾が的に当たる」と「的が弾に当たる」, 「弾を的に当てる」と「的を弾に当てる」

定延利之, 水野晴光, 沖田知子

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 172-174
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.172

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Deictic Schemaでみる指示詞の用いられ方

認知言語学の視点から

井上逸兵

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 175-176
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.175

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感情形容詞のファジイ理論による分析

濱本秀樹

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 176-177
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.176

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下り訳の原理

光原百合

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 177-178
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.177

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日本語における母音連続の長母音化について

その要因と過

高山知明

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 178-179
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.178

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GF-θ の分割フィルター

高橋孝二

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 179-180
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.179

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Towards a Theory of Control and PRO

浦啓之, 北野浩章

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 180-181
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.180

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日本語における文要素の後置について

藤井洋子

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 182-183
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.182

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敬語の発想点はどこか

堀素子

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 183-184
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.183

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所有者敬語と所有傾斜

角田太作

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 184-185
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.184

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Frame SemanticsからのJokeへのアプローチ

熊谷正

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 185-186
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.185

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REEXAMINATION OF BACK CHANNEL SIGNALS

Reiko HAYASHI, Takuo HAYASHI, 田中実, 高原脩

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 186-189
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.186

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DP内部の空所化とpro

本田盛, 高橋直彦

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 189-191
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.189

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アルタイ諸語における序数詞形成接尾辞について

山崎雅人

1990 年 1990 巻 97 号 p. 192
発行日: 1990/03/25
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.192

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