GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)
Online ISSN : 2185-6710
Print ISSN : 0024-3914
Volume 1992, Issue 102
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
  • from an analysis of selectional factors in the basic colour words
    Naoko SAWADA
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 1-16
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Go HIKITA
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 17-44
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    It is often claimed that word order is relatively free in Russian. In this language extraposition out of clauses, NPs and PPs often takes place as an instance of scrambling phenomena. The purpose of this paper is to describe and generalize these phenomena from a formalist point of view. Elements can be extraposed out of clauses, when the bounding nodes, i.e., the subordinate Ss, are deleted by S-PRUNING, as Comrie (1973) proposed. Although Comrie (1973) claimed that this deletion takes place when that clause has no overt subject or COMP, I argue that it takes place when the clause is untensed. On the other hand, while Ss behave as bounding nodes in Russian syntax, NPs and PPs are not for extraposition out of these categories. In other words, extraposition out of these two categories are not blocked by the SUBJACENCY CONDITION. Instead I propose an alternative condition on the extraposability of elements out of NPs and PPs. It says that elements which are not case-marked as sentence arguments cannot be extraposed out of NPs and PPs.
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  • EVIDENCE FROM SINHALA
    Hideki KISHIMOTO
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 46-87
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper presents an array of novel data attested in Sinhala (Sinhalese). which indicates that Subjacency is a viable constraint even on LF Wh raising. It is shown that a satisfactory characterization of the LF Wh movement phenomena must include a system of pied piping, and that the presently available solutions are unable to offer a well-motivated account for the pied piping phenomena. It is then argued that the relevant phenomena are adeequately handled only by reference to machinery of pied piping defined by a quantificational domain marker.
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  • Hideyuki HIRANO
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 88-120
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In Korean there exists a tendency for progressive processes to produce less sonorous segments and for regressive processes to create more so- norous segments. Vowel harmony in modern Korean should be regarded as sonority harmony in which the three most sonorous vowels ⁄a, o, ε⁄ do not occur together with lesser sonorous vowels in words of Korean origin. Reciprocal assimilation is explained simply by well-motivated delinking of a Lateral node and nasalization : In other words, it is un-necessary in the description of reciprocal assimilation to introduce a new rule of copying and a Spontaneous Voice node. Vowel deletion should be accounted for by the operations of both fusion and delinking rather than by a simple unconditioned delinking. The coocurrence restriction between coronal segments is caused by the prohibition of spreading which does not apply to all other sequences of a consonant and a glide.
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  • Jun'ichi SAKUMA
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 121-147
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In the Finnish language, there is a type of sentence called the quantifying sentence. The grammatical interpretation of this type of sentence has long been controversial. In its initial position, there appears a noun phrase (NP) in the partitive plural form, and a quantifier (Q) after the verb indicates the quantity of the referent of the initial NP.
    The initial NP of this type of sentence functions either as the object or as the obligatory argument of existential sentences. In both cases, the initial NP is in apposition with the Q. This is the reason why the case ending of the Q changes in the same way as that of the object or the obligatory argument of existential sentences.
    The quantifying sentence, however, cannot be properly interpreted without considering its pragmatic functions along with its grammatical ones. The initial NP functions as the theme of the sentence, which represents what is already known, and which hints at what is going to be said in the rest of the sentence. When the initial NP is accentuated, it also serves to isolate a piece of information from an already known set.
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  • [in Japanese]
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 148-164
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Taro KAGEYAMA
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 165-174
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 175-187
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (746K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1992 Volume 1992 Issue 102 Pages 224-226
    Published: October 20, 1992
    Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (102K)
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