On the southern Joban coast facing the Pacific Ocean in Northeast Japan, late Quarternary marine and fluvial terraces are well developed. The geomorphic development of these terraces has been studied, but they have not yet been well correlated to the terraces of such areas as southern Kanto for lack of absolute age data. The purpose of this study is to clarify geomorphic development relating to Pleistocene sea-level changes by means of tephrochronology. The results are as follows:
1) In the southern part of the study area are prominent marine terraces, the Nakadaichi surface and the Higashi-Ibaragidaichi surface seperated by a river. These terraces, with paleo-strand lines at height 50m above the present sea level, consist of marine sands that constitute the upper part of the Miwa formation (UM), in which four water-laid marker-tephras are found. One of them, named the Miwa-Middle Pumice (Miwa-M), is correlated with the well-dated marker KIP-7 Pumice (ca. 130, 000 y. B. P.) in southern Kanto on the basis of mineral assemblage, refractive indices of orthopyroxene and volcanic glass, and electron microprobe analyses of major chemical elements. Another marker tephra, emplaced just before the lower part of these marine terraces emerged, is correlated with the Kikai-Tozurahara ash (K-Tz), a widespread tephra that erupted at 75, 000-80, 000 y. B. P. from Southern Kyusyu. These data show that the paleo-strand lines of these marine terraces were formed in the last interglacial culmination and their lower part had emerged by ca. 80, 000 y. B. P.
2) The fluvial sediments and valleys buried under the UM formation imply a low stand sea-level preceding the last interglaciation. This strata is called the middle part of the Miwa formatiom (MM), in which a water-laid tephra is found and correlated with Mooka Pumice (MoP) on the basis of mineral assemblage as well as refractive indices of orthopyroxene and hornbleride. The buried valleys filled with the MM formation, lying just below the UM formation, were formed in the penultimate glacial stage. A relative sea-level rise of more than 70m which occurred during the period from the MM to UM stage was reconstructed on the basis of the relative heights of the base of the MM formation and the paleo-strand lines of the UM stage.
3) In the northern part of the study area, the marine terraces can be divided into two surfaces, Tajirihama I and Tajirihama II, in descending order. These terraces are basically wave-cut platforms. Tajirihama I, covered by Miwa-U and Miwa-L tephras, was formed in the last interglaciation. Tajirihama II surface, correlated to the. southeastern lower part of the Nakadaichi surface, is estimated to have been formed at ca. 80, 000 y. B. P. based on geomorphological features. In this area the coastal cliff separating Tajirihama II from Tajirihama I was formed at ca. 80, 000 y.B. P., but in the southern part of the study area it was not formed. The difference in this geomorphic evolution is explained by the effect of the shallow water landform controlling the wave energy constructing the coastal cliff.

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The image of a place and its symbolization at the social level can be both the cause and the effect of cognition and behavior in a social group. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what kind of place attains such a common image, how a symbolic relationship is formed between the place and it image-i.e., how it is symbolized, and how the symbolized place image alters the place itself and even the place name.
In this paper Karuizawa was selected for a case study. Karuizawa, located in the highlands of the Chubu District, is a famous upper-class summer resort in Japan (Fig. 1). The image of Karuizawa it the modern period was. reconstructed by analysis of literary works and magazine articles, and is described along with the history of development of Karuizawa.
Karuizawa prospered as a post-town in the Edo period (1608-1868), but after the Meiji Restoration (1868) it declined because a new road and a railway, which bypassed it, were constructed. However, an English missionary built the first summer house in Karuizawa in 1888, and the town came to be known as a summer resort among Westerners living in Japan. In the 1900s, as a result of its popularity among foreigners, the image of Karuizawa as a Western style summer resort began tcspread among upper-class Japanese, who began to visit the town more frequently.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the number of villas in Karuizawa multiplied rapidly, and foreign visitors were outnumbered by Japanese (Fig. 2, Table 1). Thus, the image of Karuizawa as a town of missionaries and foreigners faded, but the symbolized version of the image remained. Several writers who visited Karuizawa, added to the mystique by publishing novels set in the town and describing it in Western or romantic terms. As their works gained popularity, Karuizawa's image was still more symbolized. Such symbolized images remained unchanged even during wartime, when Karuizawa declined as a summer resort.
After the World War II, Karuizawa became ever better known as a summer resort with the spread of the mass media. In the 1960s, members of the general public who had never visited Karuizawa before came to want to go there, and the image of Karuizawa became symbolic among many Japanese. Thus, the image of Karuizawa expanded the sphere in which the symbolization is effective, first from foreigners to Japanese, then from upper-class to the general public, over the years. In spite of popularization, the image of Karuizawa as an “upper-class summer resort” has hardly changed over the years.
The image of Karuizawa has a special economic value, because Karuizawa developed as an upper-class resort. And its name which is identified with the place image, also has economic value. Place names with “Karuizawa” proliferated in the broad area surrounding the original Karuizawa:Kita (north)-karuizawa, Minami (south)-karuizawa, Naka (central)-karuizawa, Nishi (west)-karuiza-wa, etc. The number of facilities named after the town has also increased, and their distribution has expanded (Fig. 3, Table 3).

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The feralization of livestock is one of the themes of geography, but few studies have been done aside from those of T. L. McKnight. The author studied feral pigs, with particularr emphasis on distribution, time of the feralization, background of feralization, and attitudes toward feral pigs, through analysis of reference works in geography and other academic fields and investigation in Australia and the Ogasawara Islands in Japan.
The author examined the distribution of feral pigs in comparison with that of Eurasian wild boars (from which pigs are domesticated). The distinction between feral pigs and Eurasian wild boars is not always clear, however. Domestic pigs roamed and had opportunities to become wild under traditional husbandry practices such as free ranging and mast feeding in Europe and Asia, and they are mostly regarded to have merged with Eurasian wild boars. Further, introduced Eurasian wild boars interbred with feral pigs in the United States, the Republic of South Africa, and parts of South America. Almost everywhere there is evidence of human modification of the indigenous fauna.
Regarding the time of feralization, the author examined data from North and South America, Australia, and some islands where the time was comparatively clear. According to this analysis, pigs were introduced to some islands in the Pacific Ocean by Melanesians and Polynesians, and feralization occurred even though their distribution was limited. From the 15th century to the 19th century, explorers, colonists, sealers, and whalers introduced or released pigs on many oceanic islands and new continents. In this period, pig feralization occurred frequently, and the main feral pig's areas were established. Deliberate release by landholders and hunters continues in some areas even today.
Extensive husbandry, deliberate release, and accidental escape are important factors in feralization. The spread of practices such as free ranging and mast, feeding contributed to pig feralization. Deliberate release by explorers, fishermen, landholders, and hunters is also a major factor. In these cases, we can point out the influence of humans who recognize the value of feral pigs as sources of food or game.
Regarding attitudes toward feral pigs, the author examined data from Australia and the United States. In general, feral livestock including feral pigs were useful to pioneers and early settlers as supplementary animals. But as time passed, feral pigs came to be legally classified as noxious or verminous in Australia because of the damage they caused wheat farmers and raisers of sheep and cattle. In the United States, where such severe damage did not occur, feral pigs are legally classified as game. However, in both countries there are conflicts of interest among farmers, hunters, and landholders who collect hunting fees; all these groups have different attitudes toward feral pigs, which make it difficult to control feral pigs effectively.
In the Ogasawara Islands, feral pigs were recorded as early as Commodore Perry's expedition in 1853. But it is difficult to collect clear evidence of these feral pigs today. In the period in which the islands under occupation by the U. S. Navy after World War II, pigs were brought from Tinian Island by the Navy, and a number of them were released. It is said that pigs were released for food supply and game on Ototo Island and Chichi Island, as a future source of food of fishermen on Muko Island and Nakodo Island. Their descendants are thought to have survived on Ototo Island.

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