Geographical review of Japan, Series B.
Online ISSN : 2185-1700
Print ISSN : 0289-6001
Volume 59 , Issue 1
Showing 1-5 articles out of 5 articles from the selected issue
  • Akihiro KINDA
    1986 Volume 59 Issue 1 Pages 1-20
    Published: June 01, 1986
    Released: December 25, 2008
    The process of the completion, change and breakdown of the jori plan and its function in ancient and medieval Japan are analyzed and explained comprehensively in this paper.
    The jori plan was completed by the application of the jori indication system to the joyi grid pattern in the middle of the 8th century. It is thought that the completion of the jori plan was closely connected with new land laws in 723 and 743 which permitted private land ownership. The jori plan must have been effective for registry affairs which rapidly increased as a result of those laws. The jori plan was not imported directly from China with the Ritsuyyo system, nor did it exist as a completed system with the enforcement of the Handen-shuju.
    We cannot find such a systematic and mechanical place indication system with ordinal numbers as the jori indication system in T'ang China. The jori plan was gradually completed and developed according to Japanese conditions in and after the 8th century.
    The indication system of capital cities of Japan also developed in nearly the same way.
    The jori plan was depicted clearly and used formally on Handen-zu which were the basic rural plans of ancient Japan. There must have been two types of such rural plans. One was drawn as a linear arrangement of ri, and the other depicted each ri separately. We can find 3 groups of representation method originating from both types.
    The jori plan was still effective for bureaucratic procedures as the basic unit of formal permission and various rights or duties after the breakdown of the system of Handen-shuju in medieval times. Especially the function of the tsubo section was very active as the basic unit. Accordingly, the jori grid pattern has become a principal element of the traditional Japanese rural landscape.
    The unit of ri was not so important as that of the tsubo, but sometimes the medieval estates or villages adopted the boundaries of ri as their own. The jori plan functioned till the 16th century in the regions where it was well-established, but we can find some errors on the maps due to the lack of information or necessity in medieval times.
    The typical indication system progressively changed in accordance with completion, fixation and breakdown of the jori plan as follows: At first, an ancient place name was divided or revised to fit the jori grid pattern. Then the jori indication system was used with the ancient small place name. Before long the jori indication system was used independently. After that the small place name was used side by side with the jori indication system. Finally the small place name became to be used independently at the latest by the end of 16th century.
    This stage is basically the same as the present method. Each stage of indication system cor-respond with each stage of social and economical condition of Japanese history. It indicates at the same time changing points or changing processes of the Japanese rural landscape. The joyi plan is a very important and effective key on the historical-geographical research of Japan.
    Download PDF (8696K)
  • Tokuji CHIBA
    1986 Volume 59 Issue 1 Pages 21-30
    Published: June 01, 1986
    Released: December 25, 2008
    It has been widely believed since THUMP'S classical work on soils in China that the inception of soil erosion in Middle and South China is as old as the settlements of the regions are.
    After examining some 600 Chinese local gazetteers published in the 16th-19th centuries, this author confirmed that soil erosion did not become accelerated until about the 16th century, when the expansion of cultivated lands onto the hillslopes came about as a result of the immigration of a great number of the Han people who had previously inhabited the lowlands.
    Many descriptions are found in the gazetteers that the sweeping movement of the plains people into mountain areas was followed by exhaustive destruction of the forests which had existed until then. Soil erosion was, however, not neccessarily the result.
    A map was prepared to show the locations of all the accounts of soil erosion which appeared in the gazetteers (Figure 1). It reveals that soil erosion was prominently observed only in the region to the east of the Guanzhou-Changsha-Xi'an line. Perusal of documents shows that the new-comers brought into this region some new crops, such as maize, sweet potatoes, and tobacco of the New World origin, which were grown in an entirely different way from what the indigenous peoples had known before.
    The author became confident that a kind of maize (_??__??_) had existed in the western part of Yunnan (_??__??_) well before COLUMBUS discovered the New World. It is reasoned from the fact that in the western part there is a greater diversity of kernel color of maize, ways of cooking it, dialects for maize, etc. The existence of Amaranthus as an attendant crop of maize gives further support for this view. However, it should be noted that the traditional cultivation of old maize was not associated with soil erosion in Yunnan.
    Thus the author concludes that accelerated soil erosion in Middle and South China since the 16th century was caused by extensive land use for maize, sweet potatoes, peanuts, tobacco, tea and so forth.
    Download PDF (2767K)
  • Yoshltaka ISHIKAWA
    1986 Volume 59 Issue 1 Pages 31-42
    Published: June 01, 1986
    Released: December 25, 2008
    Spatial interaction models have been utilized by many different geographers so far and are one of the most active topics in current geography. Although the term spatial interaction covers a variety of movements, there have been no empirical studies of capital flows using such models. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the exchange remittance flows among fifty-seven Japanese cities in 1899. The analysis for total flow is carried out by use of the well-known family of spatial interaction models: the unconstrained, the production constrained, the attraction constrained and the production-attraction constrained models. Both negative power and exponential distancedecay functions are adopted. From comparison of several models in terms of parameter estimates and goodness-of-fit, the findings are explained related to the difference between human movements and capital flows. A city-specific analysis based on the attraction-constrained model is also undertaken. The estimated distance parameters are interpreted from characteristics of the cities under review, and it is also pointed out that model performances are decisively affected by the existence of two giant cities, Tokyo and Osaka.
    Download PDF (1862K)
  • Takashi EGUCHI, Jun MATSUMOTO, Harumi KITAJIMA, Kazutaka IWASAKI, Masa ...
    1986 Volume 59 Issue 1 Pages 43-54
    Published: June 01, 1986
    Released: December 25, 2008
    Precipitation is an important climatic element to clarify the world climate, but the precise global distribution of precipitation in less than a month has not been analyzed. The authors take notice of the non-precipitation area (NPA) and intend to clarify the intra-seasonal fluctuation and seasonal difference of global precipitation distribution using 10-day data generated from daily drecipitation data during the First GARP Global Experiment (FGGE). We also intend to present a map of climatic classification based on the seasonal distribution of the non-precipitation areas, and to discuss the climatic boundaries between the east and west of each continent.
    On the basis of the seasonal composite map of non-precipitation areas (NPAs), we define three NPAs, i.e. Min-NPA, Mean-NPA, and Max-NPA. In the Northern Hemisphere, during DJF season (from December to February), the Mean-NPA widely extends between the northern part of Africa and the Tibetan Plateau. While during JJA season (from June 11 to August 20), it is distributed in the northern part of Africa and in West Asia. In the Southern Hemisphere, during DJF season the Mean-NPAs are limited along the west coasts of each continent. Whereas, during JJA season they extend widely in each continent, and the Min-NPA appears in the northeastern part of South America. The intra-seasonal fluctuation of NPAs is large in the northern part of North America and Australia during DJF season.
    Based on the distribution of NPAs during two seasons, we define four kinds of seasonal NPAs, i.e. winter and summer Min-NPA (mNPA), winter and summer Mean-NPA (wsNPA), winter Mean-NPA (wNPA), and summer Mean-NPA (sNPA). In the western part of each continent, the mNPA and wsNPA are widely extended and all NPA types are zonally distributed. In the western part of each continent, each seasonal NPA well corresponds to the climatic types of ALisov and KÖPPEN. In the eastern part of each continent, however, only wNPAs, if any, appear, which are not well consistent with ALIsoy's or KÖPPEN's climatic types. The climatic boundaries between the western and eastern parts of each continent are located at the western foot of the highest mountain ranges in each continent, on the basis of the distribution of non-precipitation areas.
    Download PDF (2073K)
  • R. J. WASSON
    1986 Volume 59 Issue 1 Pages 55-67
    Published: June 01, 1986
    Released: December 25, 2008
    This summary paper forms part of a Japanese-Australian research project on human impact in the Australian semi-arid and arid zone. The dunefields are introduced in their various geologic and geomorphic settings and the sources and types of dune sands are then examined. The chronology of dune building is detailed from the earliest evidence of aeolian activity. This is followed by a reconstruction of the palaeoenvironment of the last dune building phases, an assessment of the impact of Aboriginal burning, and a concluding sketch of the impact of European settlement.
    Download PDF (2155K)