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This paper evaluates the expansion of the readership of Political Geography in Japan in relation to the journal's theoretical and empirical impacts on Japanese human geography. After Political Geography was founded in 1982, Japanese university libraries subscribing to the journal increased in number from the late 1980s to the early 1990s. This tendency was in parallel with the increase of political geographic studies in Japan. However, compared with other 'international' geographical journals widely subscribed to in Japan, the foundation of the journal seems to have limited impact on this 'political turn' of Japanese human geography. By analyzing how Japanese human geographers cited articles in the journal, this paper examines the role of the Anglophone journal in the reconstruction of a sub-discipline in Japanese Human Geography.

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The aim of this presentation is to approach the truth of social exclusion still more by applying human geography's concepts to social exclusion debates. However, according to Cameron(2005), human geography has been now excluded from social exclusion debates. Given such present situation, there are two problems to apply geographical concepts to social exclusion theory. The first is a theoretical investigation into the spatial including place. This concept has been argued as historically contingent process. Contingency of place means that it is hard to be identified as a cause and a factor, different from other compositional factors. We must recognize that difficulty of telling it derives from contingency of the spatial. The second is how we can treat the spatial in empirical studies after having recognized this. Accumulation of neighborhood effect studies is suggestive. Electoral geography has been examined neighborhood effect by quantitative technique. By switchovers from compositional approach to contextual approach, a change occurred in the how to catch. It is in particular important that residual in compositional model was defined as neighborhood effect by reduction to absurdity. These studies suggest possibility to grasp the spatial which it is hard to identify as an explanation factor under control. In social exclusion theory, there is the trial that is going to identify compositional factors as indexes and measure the extent to it. As neighborhood effect studies did, we need to consider a viewpoint catching residual of many indexes in social exclusion debates.

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The purpose of this study is to explain places or placeness of Modern Nagasaki by reading "Shin-shin Nagasaki Miyage" written by Tengan Suzuki of Japanese journalist and politician. Suzuki was born in a Samurai family of Aizu, 1867. Growing up to intend to take part in a nationalist group, he followed his career as a journalist and a politician in Tokyo and Nagasaki. In the long stay in Nagasaki to recuperate from his illness, he wrote an essay about the state of society in Nagasaki and it was the book of "Shin-shin Nagasaki Miyage"(1889).
The book is composed of the regional geographies in and the cultural placeness of Nagasaki. Suzuki plots placeness of the districts in the city. The placeness is represented through his or the people's identification of the local build environments, various topics and things. Some places had the traditions derived from the only port of international trading and others were symbolic of the new system of Modern Japan. Suzuki sets the next agenda about the position of Nagasaki in the nation-state system. He harshly points that the long decline of Nagasaki's prestige in Japanese political and economical system continued since 1868. His recognition of this situation was correct and he argued the local people's conservativeness, negativity and timidity caused the decline process. It is sure that he had already appreciated the facts of Modern Nagasaki in this time.

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Recently, geolocation technologies in mobile telephony are rapidly advancing. Geographical location data of mobile phone users, which are acquired automatically, will be effectively utilized to provide local information. In Japan, the first geolocation service using the location data of base stations of PHS service started in 1997. This service has applied to location tracking services for children, elders or emergencies and the management of delivery cars. In the case of cellular phone, the precision of location data acquired by base station data are more limited than PHS because of the wideness of the service area of a base station. Despite the limited precision, the location data by cellular phone using base station data can be utilized for the purpose of the local information provision. Japanese cellular phone companies started the geolocation services for local information providers around 2000. 'i-Area' service by NTTdocom is the most typical of these services. More precise geolocation services have been provided by cellular phone companies since 2001, when new methods for location data acquisition using GPS technology were developed. Various new services in local information provision utilizing precise location data, e.g. detail guides of restaurants/shops, and navigations services for pedestrians are now diffusing. In this presentation, I will overview the geolocation services using mobile phone and discuss the possibilities of geolocation technologies for new local information services.

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Based on my previous tourist guidebook studies, the largest distinction between Japan ans US spatial description schama can be found in proportionate use of maps and language (direction giving sentenses). By doing a cross-cultural wayfinding survey with use of the directional materials, this study has clarified a significant distinction between the two countries in wayfinding occation.
39 Japanese and US students were divided into map-first and language-first groups and asked to follow a route for twice. Then, they asked to fill out evaluation forms for each trial. 1 way ANOVA on the results revealed a significant effect on their relative evaluation of usefulness to each other, and JP testee answered map was better than scripts whereas the results from US did not show such an strong preference. Familiarity effects also effected their absolute evaluation. However, 1-way ANOVA results demonstrated that the same tendency on results was still significant.

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Giovanni Francesco Monno, an Italian cartographer and a surgeon from Monaco, made a portolan atlas in 1633 called L'Arte della Vera Navegatione di Gio Francesco Monno (the Real Navigation of G. F. Monno). The portolans are possible to be classified into three types, i.e. charts, atlases and books of sailing direction or original portolans. The portolan of Monno comes under the last.
The aim of this study is to discuss evidence how useful portolans (books of sailing direction) were on board for mariners. Portolan charts themselves offer practical information such as distances between places, bearings with compass rose and thumb lines, place names, types of port, perils of the sea (shallows, rocks in the water and small islands) and so on. But they don't show the depth of water, landmarks and hydrographic directions. In addition, it isn't also possible to indicate accurate information about prominent winds, types of ship sailing and rocks' sizes etc. On the other side, portolans (books of sailing direction) present more specific sailing instructions to mariners. For example, they show routes to ports to escape from shallows and rocks, a distance from a shore to a rock in the water and a feature of landmark. Therefore, portolans make up for lack of information in portolan charts, while portolan charts provide mariners for illustrated information or visual image. Sailing directions and charts support each other. It will be presented some examples like Italian coastline and be deliberated the importance of the portolan atlas of Monno.

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This theme is old capital palace towns thought "Growth" or not, especially in Heian-Kyo. I referenced diaries and stories, written by high class, and thought the motifs and the movements of the palace town. In this time, I understood what the Kings and the retired Kings or high class, who had connected with Heian-Kyo, had thought.
The Kings had always needed to live in Heian-Kyo, but sometimes they had gone out the exterior space of palace town. I took notice of their trips, and understood their thought about Heian-Kyo. First, before and after the moving the capital to Heian-Kyo, the Kings hunting had connected three capital towns, Nara and Nagaoka and Heian-kyo. Second, in the era of Shirakawa retired King, the near exterior space of palace town had used to extend the authority of Kings family.
The Kings gradually could not to go out the long distance, and had needed to come back in one day. But, the near exterior space had been equal to palace town, so the Kings could go out in plural days.
However, Heian-Kyo had not liked the exterior space yet. Heian-Kyo had not had cultural interchange institution for foreign countries. On the other hand, Dazaifu, another flourishing town, had had it in Hakata district. Hakata is down the river from it. So it had closely connected Hakata, the exterior space.
Heian-Kyo had completed in the palace space. Heian-Kyo had not quite contacted the exterior space, but it had been used to reinforce Heian-Kyo. So, I can speak "Growth" in a sense of the extending the free space for the people had lived in Heian-Kyo.

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This presentation refers to analysis on drastic out-migration from an area where a coal mine had shut down. It throws a light upon attribution and movement patterns of migrants and their situation of life at destination to consider character of coal mining area and its peripheralization. Here an example of Takashima coal mining area (in Nagasaki prefecture, where is a mother land of Mitsubishi Financial Group) is treated. The mine was shut down in 1986, and just after it the Takashima town had experienced drastic short-run out-migration. Here about 3,637 out-migrants during one year, a data-base was constructed to the analysis and surveys by questionaries were done twice for the migrants. The migration flow was contained of many nuclear families. By occupation groupings among the migrants we can observe coal miners at a Mitsubishi company, ones at subcontract companies, white-collar workers at a Mitsubishi. Many children are also included among the migrants, which means most migrants moved with their family members. Among their destination Kyushu district is prominent, especially Nagasaki city pulled more than 30% of them. And on social classes at coal mining community, coal miners at subcontract companies were older than miners and white-collar workers at a Mitsubishi company. But in the case of the number of family member, the order became hind-foremost. At their destination many migrants as new-comers suffered from communication with local neighborhood people. Some migrants had experienced moving to another jobs repeatedly in a short term, made much of private chains.

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