In Ōoka Shohei’s Musashino Fujin (The Lady Musashino, 1950), the preceding literary texts by Radiguet and Stendhal appear in the form of quotation or hint, and those texts organically relate to the contents and constitution of the plot of Ōoka’s story. This paper seeks to examine the intertextual aspects of Ōoka’s creative methodology, focusing in particular on the relationship between Musashino Fujin and Stendhal’s La Chartreuse de Parme (The Charterhouse of Parma, 1839).

　In part one, in order to demonstrate the importance of analyzing Musashino Fujin in relation to La Chartreuse de Parme, I look at the ground swell of interest in Stendhal’s works in Japan after World War ll, as well as the parallel relationship between Ōoka’s translating of La Chartreuse de Parme and the structuring of Musashino Fujin. In addition, I give examples of how the text of La Chartreuse de Parme is interwoven in the text of Musashino Fujin.

　In part two, by comparing the different usage of the theme of “vow” important to the latter half of both works, I analyze the divergence in narrative created through this interweaving of texts. In contrast to La Chartreuse de Parme in which a tragedy comes as “the punishment of God” after a vow made to the Madonna is broken, in Musashino Fujin a tragedy as “the accident” occurs when the attempt is made to uphold a vow undertaken in the absence of God. In conclusion of these analyses, I suggest that while the text of Stendhal’s La Chartreuse de Parme is woven into the text of Musashino Fujin, Ōoka plays with the meaning of the theme of “vow” in order to emphasize differences in culture and periodization existing between the texts in a critical manner.

　Iwano Hōmei’s symbolism has been regarded as a very singular kind of symbolism, and its own context has not yet been sufficiently examined. This paper aims to show that Hōmei’s concept of symbol is located in an Emersonian context.

　Hōmei’s way of reading Emerson seems to have been peculiar to himself. Hōmei recognized Emerson’s real worth in his style，not in his idealism. In Emerson’s style，two descripions contrary to each other were often connected abruptly. Hōmei found this suggestive. When he discussed French symbolism, he also referred to Emerson. Hōmei criticized French poets and Emerson for their idealistic tendencies, but he appreciated their suggestive styles.

　His own symbolism is based on a theory of metamorphosis. His theory holds that human beings continuously change into something spiritual or material according to the various conditions in which they find themselves.

　Hōmei examined Emerson’s contradictory style carefully, and discovered the idea that the spiritual and the material are equal and interchangeable. Hōmei understood that Emerson’s symbolism is based on the idea of casual correspondence found between human beings and other creatures.

　This is how we can grasp Hōmei’s symbolism against its Emersonian background. This relationship suggests two points. First, Hōmei focuses on Emerson’s contradictory process of thought, not his idealistic conclusion. This can relativize the oversimplified view of Emerson that he is merely an idealist. Secondly, Their connection is so close that Hōmei’s symbolism requires us to see its Emersonian context. Without reference to Emerson, his symbolism may remain a mystery to us.

　Chugan Engetsu (1300-1375), one of the most outstanding gozan literature writers, also a great Zen Buddhist of the 14th century, visited China (Yuan dynasty) from 1235 to 1332. Until now, his visit to Zhizhe Temple in Jinhua (1331 autumn-winter) has not been considered of great importance among scholars. Engetsu himself only wrote a few words about it in his short autobiography Jirekifu. However, when we examine his complete works, we find abundant reference to his experiences at Zhizhe Temple. Why is this so? In reading his recollections of Zhizhe Temple, we find that instead of the austerities of a Buddhist, Engetsu’s life in Zhizhe Temple was remembered as a very happy period colored with some interesting literary experience, including communication with other Chinese Buddhists, even with the famous Chinese poet Sa dula. Therefore it is clear why he only wrote a few words about his life there in his short autobiography. Jirekifu was written from the pointview of Zen, which denies not only literature, but also languages. When we consider Engetsu as a famous writer, we have to agree that his life in Zhizhe Temple was a very important period during his stay in China.

　The poems he wrote in Zhizhe Temple reached a very high level of excellence, and in this paper, as well as reproducing his literary experience in Zhizhe Temple, we also appreciate a part of his farewell poem to Jinhua.

　“The life of Kirisitohoroxyounin” is one of the most important works included in the so-called “kirisitanmono” written by Akutagawa Ryunosuke (1892-1927). The study on “The life of Kirisitohoroxyouninn” is so far mostly concentrated on the comparison with the style of Legenda Aurea, English translations in the Akutagawa Ryunosuke Library, the Bible and The Story Of Tensoubannisouho.

　Nevertheless, with regard to the relation between “The life of Kirisitohoroxyounin” and Chinese classical literature, especially，the relation with The Xiyouji, this paper mainly deals with the influence of The Xiyouji on “The life of Kirisitohoroxyounin”，not only the influence of subject matter but also the style. The paper thus discusses how The Xiyouji is taken into “The life of Kirisitohoroxyounin” and attempts to make clear the relation between the two. This paper will do this in accordance with Legenda Aurea which is the original work of “The life of Kirisitohoroxyounin”，by means of evidential studying methods, especially on the basis of detailed comparative study.

　LONG, Ying-zhung’s Papaiya no Aru Machi was evaluated highly by a magazine named Kaizo published in Japan in April 1937. It was the third literary work given to the press of Japan by Taiwanese nationals who received a modern Japanese education during the period of Japanese colonialism.

　This paper seeks to examine the frame of “Machi” to make clear how colonialism in association with Taiwan, was described in the text. Many attempts have been made by scholars to show that it could be defined as the symbol of Taiwan under the Japanese colonial rule by reason that the Japanese were the colonial dominators and the Taiwanese, which generally means the Chinese from Mainland China since the middle of the 16th to the end of the 19th century when the Sino-Japanese War occurred, were placed under it.

　However, it should be noted that the mechanics of dominion over the “Machi” is not just binomial but trinomial. In sum, the history of “Mach” indicates that the Chinese are not only the colonized ones but also the colonizers relative to the aborigines of Taiwan. Between the three, the Japanese, the Chinese and the aborigines, a very interesting hierarchy exists. And we will find the hierarchy within the “Machi” described through the double interpretation of the main characters in the text.

　After analyzing the concepts above, this paper will conclude that the text should be reread and regarded from its critical acumen to point out the distinction concerning the colonial dominion over Taiwan.

　The “Screen-Maiden”, one of the stories composing Shadowings (1900) of Lafcadio Hearn, is an adaptation of “E no fujin ni chigiru”（marriage with a woman in a picture) from Otogi-Hyakumonogatari (1706), a compilation of weird stories of the Edo period by Aoki Rosui. The story is inspired by an old Chinese tale. A young man falls in love with a woman painted on a screen, who finally emerges from the picture and marries him. The masterpiece thus attains “qiyun-shengdong”（気韻生動），literally “vital vibration”，an aesthetic value of Chinese and Japanese calligraphy and painting. In the original Chinese tale, the woman was a divinity or fairy, free to enter and leave the picture. In Aoki’s story, the apparition was the painted figure itself, created by the talent of the famous ukiyo-e painter, Hishikawa Moronobu. In his version, Hearn puts less importance on the fame of Moronobu, and considers instead the apparition to be the soul of the dead model that remained in the picture. The idea of “qiyun-shengdong”，evoked by Aoki and amplified by Hearn，is not commonly found in relation to ukiyo-e.

　Kawakami Otojiro (1864-1911) was one of the leading figures in the creation of Japanese Shinpa Drama. He attempted a new style in his dramas based on the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, named Sōzetsu Kaizetsu Nissin Sensō and Kawakami Otojiro's Senchikenmon Nikki. Especially, in the case of the latter, Kawakami himself went to the Korean peninsula in order to collect data on the war.

　The drama became very popular among the Japanese public. One of the important roles in the drama was played by Chung Munam, who was a Korean actor. At the time, newspaper articles insisted that the drama was popular because of the role played by Chung. Chung was not professional. He was simply a translator whom Kawakami met when he visited the Korean peninsula. However, Chung greatly contributed to the formation of Kawakami’s new dramatic style.

　Meanwhile, recognition of Korea by Kawakami is to be found in the drama Shin Kokuō of 1910. In fact, this drama was an adaptation of Alt Heidelberg which was written by the German playwright Wilhelm Meyer Förster (1862- 1934). The original play was a love story between the young heroine and the hero. But the adapted text put emphasis on the Korean political situation concerning the Crown Prince Lee Eun (1897-1970), who was forced to come to Japan as a foreign student.

　In conclusion, my paper argues that Kawakami’s concept of Korea was very similar to that held by the general Japanese public in that period.