Tenchi Hajimari no Koto (“Histoire de la Création”) est l’un des rares textes produits par le catholicisme japonnais du 16ème et 17ème siècles dit “kirishitan”. Supposé reproduire les récits bibliques de la Création à l’Apocalypse, ce document découvert en 1865 n’est estimé que pour sa valeur ethnologique en raison des transgressions de la doctrine et des récits de la Bible qu'il contient.

　Une analyse détaillée du texte kirishitan révèle cependent que l’histoire de Lucifer narrée dans la première section coïncide avec le passage de “la corruption de l’étoile du matin” (Lucifer) dans le Livre d'Isaïe et les descriptions de Lucifer développées par Dante dans la Divine Comédie.

　La première section du Tenchi se distingue par la large place qu'il consacre à des descriptions imagées. Celles détaillées et vivantes de Lucifer comprennent des passages sur les costumes du diable semblables à ceux utilisés à Zurich dans les spectacles religieux médiévaux. De même présentent-elles des traits communs avec l’image de Lucifer telle qu'elle apparait dans le Tableau Saint de Saint-Michel lequel,à l'instar du Tenchi. est conservé dans le village de Sotome près de Nagasaki. Dans le tableau kirishitan, Saint-Michel et Lucifer détiennent également les mêmes traits que ceux que l’on toruve dans l’ iconographie occidentale. Les tableaux de Raphaël et de Hans Memling sont ainsi parmi d’autres des exemples significatifs de cette parenté de représentation.

　Le Tenchi est également riche en dialogues théâtraux et en scènes d'action. Sa structure doit être tapprochée de celle des Mystères qui ont été représentés par les jésuites au Japon au cours du 16ème et 17ème siècles. La lettre rédigée à Bungo par le jésuite Irmâo Joâo Fernandez offre un exemple révélateur de cette connivence. Datée du 8 octoble 1561, elle contient des descriptions sur le Mystère représenté alors à Noël qui présentent des similarités évidentes avec celles de Lucifer dans le Tenchi.

　S’il apparait ainsi comme un document ethnologique portant témoignage d’une transgression doctorinale et narrative, le Tenchi doit également être considéré et apprécié pour l’éclairage qu'il donne de l’action des jesuites dans le Japon du 16ème et 17ème siècles.

　A Sinologist and Occidentalist combined into one, Nakamura Keiyu was an enlightened thinker of the Meiji era, who is commonly referred to as the ‘forgotten philospher’ The present research will discuss some aspects of Nakamura’s understanding and perceptions of the Orient and his relationship with China, that have not been examined or researched so far.

　The thesis is divided into three sections. Part I examines Nakamura’s initial encounter and his continued involvement with contemporary China. Part II focuses on「支那不可侮論」and the Chinese view of the Sino-Japanese solidarity as perceived by him in the light of historical tradition. This part also covers Nakamura’s tolerant and open-minded attitude towards both eastern and western cultures. Lastly, Part III examines the impact of the cooperation between Nakamura and Chinese Intellectuals of the last part during the Qing dynasty, and on their thought and ideas.

　Nakamura’s personality is a beacon of light, and he can be said to stand out most prominently as a figure who began to invite public attention to the importance and worthiness of oriental traditions, while opposing the contemporary trend towards rejection of Asian values which occurred during the early Meiji era.

　The Mexican poet José Juan Tablada(1871-1945) is known as the person who introduced the Japanese haiku in the form of poetry written in Spanish.Un día…(A day) is the first haikai (Tablada refers to “haiku” as “haikai”) collection published in the Spanish language. It has four sections: morning, afternoon, twilight and night. These sections contain 12, 9, 9 and 7 haikais respectively, in total 37. Dividing “a day” into four sections, he attempts to describe “a day”. The themes of the haikai are small animals or plants.

　We can see that Tablada learned about the Japanese haiku through English and French translations of Japanese haiku by such writers as W. G. Aston and P. L. Couchoud as those books were found in Tablada’s own library. That can also be deduced from the fact that Tablada’s analysis of a Basho haiku in his book Hiroshigué (1914) is very similar to an analysis of the same poem made by Aston in A History of Japanese Literature (1899). In this paper I analyzed 3 haikais: “Hojas secas”(dead leaves), “El caballo del diablo”(dragonfly)，and “Mariposa noctuma”(moth), which were created under the strong influence of Japanese haiku. However, these haikais also show Tablada’s individual style and taste.

　Not all the haikais in Un día... are influenced by Japanese haiku. Some are visual, while others are synthetic. I will analyze these characteristics in another paper.

　Nakazato Tsuneko wrote in her essay that Katherine Mansfield was her favorite western author. She also admitted that the style and the content of her early works were regarded as similar to those of Mansfield. This paper examines how Nakazato came across Mansfield's works and was influenced by Mansfield.

　Mansfield died in 1923 and in the same year, Hirata Tokuboku introduced her for the first time to Japan in the magazine Eigo Seinen. He also translated Mansfield's works and tried to make her popular in Japan as a prominent short-story writer. Mansfield became more popular in Japan through the translation by Sakiyama Seiki published in 1934 in an Iwanami pocket edition. This made Mansfield's works more accessible and Nakazato discovered them through this book in 1937.

　Soon after she read Mansfield's short stories, Nakazato wrote“Noriai- basha (Stage-coach)” and “Nikkōshitsu(Sun-room)” and was awarded the Akutagawa Prize in 1939. Nakazato loved the content of Mansfield's books, which often described “womanly” things such as everyday affairs and the daily life of women and children. She especially empathized with Mansfield’s compassion for the poor and her concern and respect for all living things. She was also very much interested in Mansfield's style and its influence is evident in her works. She learned to express the delicate mentality of her characters utilizing “Represented Speech”, and developed the skill for graphic and detailed descriptions of living things. This helped Nakazato to write her stories in a fresh, new style.

　Takahashi Shinkichi was a poet who played a leading role in the Japanese dadaist movement in the 1920’s. He was inspired by two articles in Yorozuchouhou of 15th August 1920, and attempted to practice a new European literary movement. He declared that he had left dadaist movement in 1924. It is true, however, that his poems and novels encouraged younger poets to create dadaist works in Japan in the 1920’s.

　Although a large number of studies have been made on his influence in Japan, little attention has been given to its widespread influence on colonized Korea. Ko Han-Yong, who was in fact Ko Han-Sung, and one of the creators of Korean children’s literary magazine Orini, invited Takahashi Shinkichi to Soeul in September 1924. He wrote an article, “A Story of a Dadaist Who Came to Seoul” in the Korean magazine Kebyokk in October 1924. It was in the same month of October 1924 that André Breton published Manifeste du Surréalisme and tried to change the course of the literary movement from dadaism to surrealism. But it was also then that the young Korean writer attempted to adopt the term “dadaism”

　In recent years, there has been a renewal of interest in the reception of dadaism in Korea. Especially, Shin Eun-Ju argues why Ko attempted the introduction of dadaism into Korea. It remains, however, an unsettled question why Ko had to invite a Japanese dadaist at that time, and whether Ko and Takahashi shared the same conception of dadaism. The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the problems involved in the adoption of dadaism in Korea, and to examine the relationship between Japanese colonialism and dadaism.

　In January of 1894, six months before the Sino-Japanese war, Lafcadio Hearn delivered a lecture at Kumamoto, “The Future of the Far East,” in which he viewed the course of history as the struggle for survival against hunger, and the future will be to the Orientals if the Japanese and the Chinese co-operate with each other against the West. In spite of the fact that it was not specifically mentioned, this lecture was significantly based on Charles Henry Pearson's National Life and Character (1893), one of the prototype statements of yellow peril and the decline of the west. In this paper I will take up Hearn’s almost forgotten lecture, “the Future of the Far East” and Hearn’s mention of Pearson in the letters to Basil Hall Chamberlain. I will demonstrate how Hearn appropriated and transformed Pearson’s pessimistic prophecy into the optimistic ideas of the promising future of Japan, inspired from the contemporary reviews: the sturdiness of Chinese people and the potential for conflict between the white and coloured worlds from J. Llewelyn Davies’s “The Prospects ot the Civilised World” in Contemporary Review (June, 1893) and the universality of civilisation from Frederic Harrison’s “The Evolution of Our Race, A Reply” in Fortnightly Review (July, 1893). Hearn shared with Pearson the idea of the limitations of White colonisation in the tropics based on his experiences in the West Indies. He therefore considered the Chinese to be the coming race. While Pearson held pessimistic ideas about the intermixture of the Oriental ‘lower races’ and the West — higher races reduced to mediocrity through the operation of the law of entropy — Hearn, saw such changes as just a necessary transition in the cycle of civilisation. Although his lecture was not included in any of his books while he was alive and not circulated as much as his other writings, his idea, the optimistic view of the future of Japan, was intensified and disseminated through the Sino-Japanese war (1894-5) by the Japanese themselves, who were possibly influenced by Pearson as mediated through Hearn’s lecture.

　Including Seashells of Beijing (1995, Chikuma Shobo), Nakazono Eisuke (1920- ) has published extensively on the novelist Yuan Xi. These repeated “testimonies of literature”for Yuan Xi, by Nakazono, especially the testimony on the process of the awarding of the Greater East Asia Writers Congress Supplementary Prize to Seashells (1943, New Peopled Press) have attracted the attention of both Chinese and Japanese researchers.

　The existence of Yuan Xi = Li Keyi (1920-1979) who shared the space and time of Beijing during World War II with Nakazono, cannot be ignored. We must consider Nakazono’s “KÔ-SÔ (Cross and Struggle)” when he came into contact with Chinese authors in Beijing during the war.

　First, with that purpose, the position of Yuan Xi in Beijing in wartime must be confirmed. And I should point out here that the novelist Nakazono Eisuke is almost the only Japanese witness who testified for Yuan Xi. Accordingly, while referring to and inspecting the testimonies by Nakazono, I will investigate the process of the awarding of the “Greater East Asia Literature Prize” to Yuan Xi’s Seashells by referring to the newspapers and magazines of those days. Then I will confirm the importance of Yuan Xi’s Seashells through the analysis of its motif and think about the meaning of “Yuan Xi” in Nakazono Eisuke’s Seashells of Beijing.

　西洋世界の欲望や夢想の投影である太平洋の「楽園」「蛮人」のモティーフは、近代西洋植民地主義のみならず、文化的には植民地化された近代日本の植民地主義、さらには太平洋諸島の脱植民地主義の文脈においてもまた主要な位置を占め、その内容を変えながら、太平洋を語る枠組みとして機能してきた。だが植民地支配者側は常に固定的な「楽園」「蛮人」を再生産してきたわけではなく、また（旧）被支配者側も単にそれを模倣あるいは破棄してきたわけではない。むしろ継承と抵抗が双方において同時的に見られるのである。

　サモアに滞在したR.L.Stevensonの短編「ファレサの浜辺」は南洋の美麗な楽園と愚鈍な蛮人を背景に、白人男性と現地民女性との結婚、白人の未開探索という植民地言説の典型的主題を語りながらも、従来のロマンスを転倒させる方向へ物語を導いている。Stevensonに共感し、自らもパラオに滞在した中島敦の短編「南島譚」「環礁」は現地の伝承説話や実地体験等を素材に「知れば知るほど不可解な南洋」という主題を描き、西洋の植民地ロマンス及び日本の同化主義的植民地言説への違和を示している。一方、C.P.Howard（米国領グアム）の小説『マリキータ』は、調和した異文化融合の地グァム、残虐な日本兵という形に「楽園」「蛮人」をそれぞれ変容させ、中島と同様日本帝国主義の欺瞞を対象化するが、同時に典型的な植民地ロマンスの構造をもち、米国の支配を支持している。対照的にA.Wendt（西サモア）の小説『菩提樹の葉』はStevensonから英語及び小説という形式を借りながら、「楽園」「蛮人」をパロディ化することにより植民地幻想の反立として自己表象を創造する企図を明示する。植民地言説をそのステレオタイプと土着の口承神話を用いて書き換えるテクスト戦略はStevensonや中島と通じる。だが何よりWendtの描くサモアは植民地言説との対話を経てサモア自身から生まれた反植民地言説である。